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| The Basic Issue--Mixed Economy--Seven Principles |
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| Constitutional Primer #7 - Property Rights |
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| Majority Limited and Pursuit of Happiness |
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| The American Revolution - Classical Liberalism |
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| What Is Money - Seperating Money and State |
| Separating School and State |
| POLITICS - PART 2 |
| Taxes and Property |
| The Anatomy of the State |
| American Government Idea's |
| Good Quotes |
| ABORTION , Questions and Answers |
| Learn Economics Here |
| Three Youngsters Drown |
| INCOME for LIFE |
| OUR LORD'S PROPHECY PREDICTED AND FULFILLED |
| JESUS CAME BACK |
| FUTURISM, FIGURATIVE PRETERISM and LITERAL PRETERISM by W. Hibbard |
| WERE THE APOSTLES FALSE PROPHETS? by M. Fenemore |
| Lee's Bio |
| GUESTBOOK & LINKS |
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Once we start letting politicians decide who needs or deserves how much of their own money, we have taken a very dangerous
step down a slippery slope. We first started down this slope in 1913, when a Constitutional amendment established the federal
income tax, which applied only to the richest 2 percent of the people and took no more than 7 percent of their incomes.
But that was just the entering wedge for something that has now engulfed us all...Thomas Sowell
Because legislators of all stripes like the tax code the way they now use it. They have turned it into an agent of cultural
change which they employ to make political promises and payoffs, in the process making simplification unattractive to them
and the tax code ever more painful to us.
Credits and deductions are also a way for office holders to pay back the always-growing number of rent-seekers in Washington,
from lobbyists to advocacy groups, by crafting adjustments in the tax code favorable to their industry or constituency. That’s
one reason for the 3,125 changes in the tax code since 2001, an average of more than one a day. Imagine what a loss most politicians
would be at on the campaign trail or in K Street meetings with lobbyists if we had a tax code that didn’t permit deductions
and credits.
After all is said and done, who makes the best use of his income? Is it the business man who has dreamed and sweated to
produce it and to create more industries and more jobs? Or is it the politician who, under the license of the Income Tax Amendment,
grabs the profits of the producer and squanders them on political adventures to keep himself in power? This sets up not merely
a heavy charge on productive industry, but puts money in the hands of the politicians to buy great groups of voters to reward
their friends, and, as one top-flight politician puts it boldly: "To tax and tax, borrow and borrow, elect and elect."
But this theory of our government is wholly different from the practical fact. The fact is that the government, like a
highwayman, says to a man: Your money, or your life. And many, if not most, taxes are paid under the compulsion of that threat.
The government does not, indeed, waylay a man in a lonely place, spring upon him from the road side, and, holding a pistol
to his head, proceed to rifle his pockets. But the robbery is none the less a robbery on that account; and it is far more
dastardly and shameful.
The highwayman takes solely upon himself the responsibility, danger, and crime of his own act. He does not pretend that
he has any rightful claim to your money, or that he intends to use it for your own benefit. He does not pretend to be anything
but a robber. He has not acquired impudence enough to profess to be merely a “protector,” and that he takes men’s
money against their will, merely to enable him to “protect” those infatuated travellers, who feel perfectly able
to protect themselves, or do not appreciate his peculiar system of protection. He is too sensible a man to make such professions
as these. Furthermore, having taken your money, he leaves you, as you wish him to do. He does not persist in following you
on the road, against your will; assuming to be your rightful “sovereign,” on account of the “protection”
he affords you. He does not keep “protecting” you, by commanding you to bow down and serve him; by requiring you
to do this, and forbidding you to do that; by robbing you of more money as often as he finds it for his interest or pleasure
to do so; and by branding you as a rebel, a traitor, and an enemy to your country, and shooting you down without mercy, if
you dispute his authority, or resist his demands. He is too much of a gentleman to be guilty of such impostures, and insults,
and villanies as these. In short, he does not, in addition to robbing you, attempt to make you either his dupe or his slave.
The full passage from which this quotation was taken can be be viewed below (front page quote in bold):
The payment of taxes, being compulsory, of course furnishes no evidence that any one voluntarily supports the Constitution.
It
is true that the theory of our Constitution is, that all taxes are paid voluntarily; that our government is a mutual insurance
company, voluntarily entered into by the people with each other; that each man makes a free and purely voluntary contract
with all others who are parties to the Constitution, to pay so much money for so much protection, the same as he does with
any other insurance company; and that he is just as free not to be protected, and not to pay any tax, as he is to pay a tax,
and be protected.
But this theory of our government is wholly different from the practical fact. The fact is
that the government, like a highwayman, says to a man: Your money, or your life. And many, if not most, taxes are paid under
the compulsion of that threat.
The government does not, indeed, waylay a man in a lonely place, spring
upon him from the road side, and, holding a pistol to his head, proceed to rifle his pockets. But the robbery is none the
less a robbery on that account; and it is far more dastardly and shameful.
The highwayman takes solely
upon himself the responsibility, danger, and crime of his own act. He does not pretend that he has any rightful claim to your
money, or that he intends to use it for your own benefit. He does not pretend to be anything but a robber. He has not acquired
impudence enough to profess to be merely a “protector,” and that he takes men’s money against their will,
merely to enable him to “protect” those infatuated travellers, who feel perfectly able to protect themselves,
or do not appreciate his peculiar system of protection. He is too sensible a man to make such professions as these. Furthermore,
having taken your money, he leaves you, as you wish him to do. He does not persist in following you on the road, against your
will; assuming to be your rightful “sovereign,” on account of the “protection” he affords you. He
does not keep “protecting” you, by commanding you to bow down and serve him; by requiring you to do this, and
forbidding you to do that; by robbing you of more money as often as he finds it for his interest or pleasure to do so; and
by branding you as a rebel, a traitor, and an enemy to your country, and shooting you down without mercy, if you dispute his
authority, or resist his demands. He is too much of a gentleman to be guilty of such impostures, and insults, and villanies
as these. In short, he does not, in addition to robbing you, attempt to make you either his dupe or his slave.
The
proceedings of those robbers and murderers, who call themselves “the government,” are directly the opposite of
these of the single highwayman.
In the first place, they do not, like him, make themselves individually known; or,
consequently, take upon themselves personally the responsibility of their acts. On the contrary, they secretly (by secret
ballot) designate some one of their number to commit the robbery in their behalf, while they keep themselves practically concealed.
They say to the person thus designated:
Go to A— B—, and say to him that “the government” has
need of money to meet the expenses of protecting him and his property. If he presumes to say that he has never contracted
with us to protect him, and that he wants none of our protection, say to him that that is our business, and not his; that
we choose to protect him, whether he desires us to do so or not; and that we demand pay, too, for protecting him. If he dares
to inquire who the individuals are, who have thus taken upon themselves the title of “the government,” and who
assume to protect him, and demand payment of him, without his having ever made any contract with them, say to him that that,
too, is our business, and not his; that we do not choose to make ourselves individually known to him; that we have secretly
(by secret ballot) appointed you our agent to give him notice of our demands, and, if he complies with them, to give him,
in our name, a receipt that will protect him against any similar demand for the present year. If he refuses to comply, seize
and sell enough of his property to pay not only our demands, but all your own expenses and trouble beside. If he resists the
seizure of his property, call upon the bystanders to help you (doubtless some of them will prove to be members of our band).
If, in defending his property, he should kill any of our band who are assisting you, capture him at all hazards; charge him
(in one of our courts) with murder, convict him, and hang him. If he should call upon his neighbors, or any others who, like
him, may be disposed to resist our demands, and they should come in large numbers to his assistance, cry out that they are
all rebels and traitors; that “our country” is in danger; call upon the commander of our hired murderers; tell
him to quell the rebellion and “save the country,” cost what it may. Tell him to kill all who resist, though they
should be hundreds of thousands; and thus strike terror into all others similarly disposed. See that the work of murder is
thoroughly done, that we may have no further trouble of this kind hereafter. When these traitors shall have thus been taught
our strength and our determination, they will be good loyal citizens for many years, and pay their taxes without a why or
a wherefore.
It is under such compulsion as this that taxes, so called, are paid. And how much proof the payment of
taxes affords, that the people consent to support “the government,” it needs no further argument to show.
[More works by Lysander Spooner (1808 – 1887) and on 19th Century Natural Rights Theorists]
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Taxes--Limited to Safeguard Liberty
"He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither swarms of Officers to harass our people, and eat
out their substance." (Declaration of Independence)
The Principle
1. The traditional American philosophy teaches that tyranny through taxation is one of the most dangerous
and oppressive aspects of Government-over-Man and must be guarded against and opposed accordingly, for the protection of Man's
God-given, unalienable rights.
The Precedent of 1776
2. Tyrannous abuse of the taxing power was a principal provocation of the American Revolution in 1776
and, according to this philosophy, will always be considered and treated as just cause for prompt, effective, remedial action
by every generation of Americans worthy of the American heritage of Individual Liberty--the heritage of Free Man determined
to preserve his Freedom from Government-over-Man. This can be done mainly through preserving inviolate the supporting system
of constitutionally limited government, designed to restrict government's activities and therefore its cost and taxes.
Limited Taxing Power
3. The traditional American philosophy of constitutionally limited government--Limited for Liberty--is hostile to any concept
which would permit any unlimited power of taxation to exist to the peril of Man's unalienable rights. Potential danger, not
merely present danger, is the crux of the matter and the reason for constitutional safeguards, which are designed to provide
protection in the worst imaginable situations. This philosophy prescribes various limitations upon the taxing power of the
Federal government, as expressed in the Constitution. For example, Article 1, Section 8, of the Constitution authorizes Congress to make only specified levies--within the bounds of certain specific limits as to
uses of tax monies: "to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defence and general Welfare of the United States." It also
authorizes taxes only to raise revenue to pay for the government's authorized activities, within the bounds of its limited
powers and limited duties under the Constitution, as amended--for use directly and openly to accomplish the objects committed
to its care and the trusts for which it is made responsible by the people under this basic law. This is according to the controlling
intent of those who framed and ratified the Constitution in 1787-1788, and likewise as to each amendment.
Examples of What Is Not Authorized
4. A few examples of what is not authorized by the Constitution in this regard, therefore as impliedly prohibited, will
be clarifying. In general, the power of taxation may not be used by the Federal government as a means of bringing about indirectly
and subtly any governmental change, or any social or other type of reform, or to achieve indirectly in effect Federal control
of anything or anybody, or to accomplish any other result whatever, which the people have not authorized by the Constitution
to be accomplished directly and openly. Nor may the power of taxation be used in furtherance of any abuse of the limited powers
granted to the Federal government, or in furtherance of activities due to usurpation of any power withheld from it, or denied
or prohibited to it, expressly or impliedly, by the people through the Constitution, as amended.
It is especially noteworthy that Hamilton, as Secretary of the Treasury, in urging for the first time in 1791 that the
Taxing Clause granted to the Federal government a separate and substantive power for the application of money, "within the
limits of what would serve the general welfare," conceded that such power would "not carry a power to do any other thing not
authorized in the Constitution, either expressly or by fair implication." (See Pars. 8-10 of Principle 5.)
Some specific examples are as follows. The power of taxation may not be used so as to prevent criticism of the Federal
government by the Press; which would be exercising power over a field of activity withheld from this government by the original
Constitution and expressly prohibited by the First Amendment. Nor may taxes be used to obtain funds to subsidize, and in effect to control, any field of activity denied to this government
(excluded from its enumerated powers) and reserved to the States by the Constitution--so as in effect to "buy" submission
to Federal usurpers: such as agriculture. Hamilton made it expressly clear, in The Federalist number 17, that this is a field of activity over which the Federal government had been given no power--a field over which it could
never properly be given any power to control. Also, taxes may not be used to stifle, undermine, or destroy any part of the
traditional American system's economic aspect of Liberty such as Individual Enterprise (individual, private, competitive,
enterprise).
Equally repugnant and prohibited are taxes designed to put into effect the anti-private-property idea, or plan, of "leveling"
of ownership of property (money or any other type) by attempting to make all people more "equal" as to property, or as to
income, by taking from some to give to others--as a means of achieving social reform or any other purpose not directly and
openly authorized by the people in the Constitution. For example, in 1768 a Resolution of the Massachusetts House of Representatives
(drafted by James Otis, Samuel Adams et al) denounced such leveling as being "despotic and . . . unconstitutional." Two decades
later The Federalist (number 10, by Madison) condemned it as "improper" and "wicked." Jefferson decried leveling as being unjust and violative of "the first
principle of association"--meaning a people's associating for purposes of self-government.
The Examples Continued
5. Congress is not authorized to tax and spend as it pleases, for any and every purpose which it may choose to say, or
actually thinks, will serve the "general welfare." Those who framed and ratified the Constitution in 1787-1788 intended the
Taxing Clause's words: "general Welfare of the United States," to serve as a limitation on the taxing power. These words were designed
to restrict taxing and spending to constitutionally authorized objectives, meaning in part only those which would serve the
welfare of the United States as a whole and not merely of a locality, not of individual citizens. Congress does not possess
unlimited, sovereign power to tax the people. (See Pars. 8-10 of Principle 5.) It does not even possess "general legislative authority, as Hamilton stated in The Federalist number 83.
Congress has, of course, been granted no power to exceed its constitutional authority or responsibilities by being benevolent,
by making donations, of money or property at home or abroad at the expense of the American people's income, or other money
or property. According to the controlling intent of those who framed and ratified the Constitution, the only words in the
Taxing Clause which could possibly be said to sanction any donation to any foreign government, or people, are the words "national
defense"--meaning direct and actual military defense of the American homeland. Any and all foreign donations by the Federal
government are, therefore, clearly prohibited by inescapable implication unless, and except to the limited extent that any
such donation in actuality helps directly and substantially, on a realistic military basis, to "provide for the common Defence
. . . of the United States"--of the States composing the Union.
These few illustrations exemplify prohibited misuse of the limited taxing power as granted by the people to the Federal
government under the Constitution, as amended.
Peril to Liberty--Multiplied
6. The traditional American philosophy recognizes that an unlimited power to tax involves the power to destroy--a truth
long known. This becomes all the more evilly significant if, when and to the extent that the Federal government becomes guilty
of wholesale usurpation of power to expand its activities, at home and abroad, in defiance of the limits on its power imposed
by the sovereign people through the Constitution. The evil significance involved is greatly augmented when--in furtherance
of such wholesale usurpation--any such official culprits: Federal usurpers, employ oppressive taxation so as in effect to
finance their political schemes to keep themselves in power, in control of the government, by using vast sums of public monies
to subsidize--in truth to bribe, corrupt and seduce--immense segments of the electorate through distribution of individual
money "benefits", to win their votes. This aim and process are furthered by building up a vast governmental bureaucracy which
helps to serve this objective but has no sensible relation to sound governmental operations serving constitutionally authorized
purposes. Then, indeed, are Individual Liberty and sound self-government in America--also the integrity and safety of the
Republic itself--placed in effect on the auction block. This potentially disastrous condition, of danger compounded, becomes
almost unlimited in degree of peril for Free Man in America, for American Posterity, when this combination of usurpation and
tax tyranny is employed--by such usurpers and their collaborators in all walks of life--to supplant the traditional American
system of Man-over-Government with the system of Government-over-Man. The foregoing precepts reflect some aspects of The Founders'
thinking in this connection. (Note especially the Jefferson quotation on page xx, ante, about taxing--spending--electing.) Any accomplishment of the prohibited objectives by gradual and deceptive
steps--rather than directly and openly--highlights the importance of keeping ever in mind a maxim of which the sense was well-known
to them and is expressable in verse form as follows:
Great Oaks and Great Tyrannies
Just as surely as "great oaks from little acorns grow,"
So do greatest tyrannies have smallest beginnings;
Yet the mind, uninstructed by knowledge or reason,
Cannot sense either oak or tyranny in the seed.
No Unlimited Income-Tax Power Under the Principle of Limited Government
7. The foregoing holds good even though the traditional American philosophy and system contemplate the Federal government's
possessing, by grant of the people under the Constitution, "an unqualified power of taxation in the ordinary modes," as stated
in The Federalist (number 31, by Alexander Hamilton)--for instance, a consumption tax on sales of goods. Such a tax cannot become dangerous to the people's
liberties because it contains an automatic check on abuse by way of such taxation; if the amount of the tax offends them,
they can simply refuse to buy the goods and thereby make the tax a failure, leading to its repeal. Even "an unqualified power
of taxation" in some mode which was not ordinary in the days of The Founders and was not provided for by them in the Constitution--for
instance, a graduated, "escalating" income tax, especially without expressly specifying a maximum rate or "ceiling"--would
nevertheless have been considered by them to be impliedly limited in effect because subject to the following factors. First,
the principles proclaimed in the Declaration of Independence--notably that governments are granted only "just powers," meaning
limited powers, in order to make and keep secure the people's unalienable rights--forbid the existence in America of any system
of government or governmental practices which could, in effect and in the unlimited discretion of public servants, impose
tax-slavery upon the people through permitting these public, servants in peacetime to confiscate most, or all, of the income
of the people to be spent as these public servants may please. This assuredly would have been considered by The Founders to
be the very definition of tax-tyranny, which was one of the chief causes of the Revolution in 1776. Second, the system intended
to be created by The Framers and Adopters of the Constitution--with only the few, limited powers enumerated being granted
to the Federal government (for example, per The Federalist number 45 by Madison with Hamilton's silent concurrence)--likewise bars tax-tyranny because Congress is authorized to tax and spend
only within the scope of its power-limits and its commensurately limited responsibilities; which must always be construed
in keeping with that original, controlling intent of The Framers and Adopters, subject only to amendment by the people of
the Constitution. Congress may not tax and spend in support of activities in furtherance of abuse of any granted power or
in support of usurpation of power not granted.
The Founders would assuredly have stressed these implied limits upon any power to tax incomes of the people--if granted
by and constitutional amendment--in the absence of an express, specific and clear mandate from the people to the contrary
stated in any such amendment, for instance if it should expressly authorize confiscatory taxes for war needs. Just as they
certainly would have condemned any generation of Americans as being unfaithful to the American heritage of Man-over-Government,
as being defaulting trustees of Posterity's just heritage, because of any submission to oppressive taxation amounting to tax-tyranny.
This applies equally to taxation of accumulated wealth (savings), or property, by way of inheritance, or estate. taxes (death
taxes), which are equally subject to the above-mentioned principles and implied limits.
The basic American principles previously discussed: "Limited and Decentralized for Liberty" (per Principles 5 and 6) would therefore, have been declared by The Founders to be respected and protected in effect and impliedly by pertinent,
controlling limitations despite any income-tax, or any death-tax, provision in any amendment to the Constitution not expressly
fixing a maximum rate or "ceiling." They would have agreed that the above-mentioned implied limits would nevertheless be applicable,
though not made express, so as to bar unlimited taxing-power opening the door to tax-tyranny, tax-slavery.
Benjamin Franklin's Example
8. When government takes a part of an Individual's earned income, this is the equivalent of government's commandeering,
or confiscating, for its own purposes a corresponding portion of his working time; he is deprived of the benefit, of the fruit,
of such work and time. A taxpayer's time is employed in the service, or support, of government to the extent that be must
devote it to earning the money required to pay the taxes imposed by government. Benjamin Franklin suggested a specific standard
or rule by which to judge the character of taxation, presumably in peacetime (not in a national crisis of war), as to whether
or not it is oppressive and beyond which the burden of taxation would, in his opinion, presumably have been considered oppressive,
if not tyrannous. It was stated by him in a 1758 writing:
"It would be thought a hard Government that should tax its People one tenth Part of their Time, to be employed in its Service."
(Emphasis his.)
(Maximum income-tax rate was only seven per cent under [the] 1913 law--the first under the Sixteenth Amendment.)
Under the American philosophy and system of constitutionally limited government, there is and always must be some limit,
express or implied, as a standard beyond which the people may properly, indeed should, consider peacetime taxation to amount
to impermissible confiscation and therefore oppression and tax-tyranny. Otherwise a mockery is made of the fundamental American
principle of limited government. One general test which is unchallengeable, under a system of constitutionally limited government,
is this: any and every aspect of taxation which is designed to provide financial support for any governmental activity which
involves abuse of granted power, or usurpation of ungranted power, merits condemnation as tax-tyranny.
The Conclusion
9. It is a cardinal principle of the traditional American philosophy that taxes must be limited to safeguard Individual
Liberty--to make and keep secure Man's unalienable rights and Posterity's just heritage of Liberty: Freedom from Government-over-Man.
Enough Is Enough! Speak out Against Tax Increases
Published on June 18, 2010 Factsheet #60
www.Heritage.org
Spending Is the Problem
- The deficit will reach a stunning $1.5 trillion this year. Even after the recession ends, trillion-dollar
deficits will persist, causing the national debt to double by 2020.
- Excessive spending—not low revenues—accounts for 92% of deficits by 2014 and 100% by
2017.
- Solutions that “split the difference” between tax hikes and spending cuts doesn’t really
address the source of the problem: spending.
- Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid, and interest costs will surge by nearly $2 trillion by 2020. By comparison,
the cost of extending the 2001 and 2003 tax cuts is 85% less at $404 billion.
Tax Increases Are Not the Solution
- Raising federal income taxes to pay for entitlement spending would require rates to double by 2050 and continue
to rise thereafter.
- Balancing the budget with tax increases alone would increase the tax burden from an average of 18% of the
economy to 30% by 2055.
- Layering on a value added tax (VAT)—a new national sales tax—would create a huge drag on the
economy and family budgets.
- A VAT would cause the price of everything to rise by 15–20%. By 2019, 44 cents of every dollar would
go to the federal government, compared to 15 cents today.
Tax Hikes Have Harmful Economic Consequences
- Tax increases take money from families and businesses, lowering savings and investment and killing jobs.
This is especially harmful in the current economic climate.
- Future generations—who can’t yet vote—will be stuck paying the higher taxes and inheriting
lower standards of living that go with it.
- Any new federal income taxes would be on top of state and local taxes, such as income, property,
excise, fuel, and sales taxes.
- A VAT would become a cash cow for Congress to fund new spending and open the door for continued, stealthy
rate increases.
- Twenty of 29 developed economies with a VAT have increased rates since passage. Denmark leads, having increased
their VAT from 15 to 25% since it was enacted.
Congress has been mismanaging taxpayer dollars for decades. Can Washington really
be trusted to use new revenues to close the deficit gap, or would they just spend the money on new programs?
Scroll down for next article ...
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Private Property--Liberty's Support
[Americans] ". . . are entitled to life, liberty and property . . ." (Declaration of Rights by First Continental Congress, 1774)
The Principle
1. The traditional American philosophy teaches that Man possesses the right to property as an indispensable support,
the principal material support, of his God-given, unalienable rights (notably the right to Liberty) specified in the Declaration of Independence.
Part of Economic Liberty
2. This right to property is a main part of economic liberty, which is the inseparable and indispensable aspect of
the indivisible whole of Individual Liberty, according to this philosophy. Without economic liberty, the other parts of Individual
Liberty are lacking in material support and therefore, for practicable purposes, cannot be defended adequately or securely
enjoyed enduringly. This right to property in any form--money or any other type--includes all aspects such as acquiring, using,
possessing, protecting and disposing of it. Man's unalienable right to Life necessarily involves his derivative right to property,
in support of his right to sustain his own life and the lives of his dependents; which requires, in part, acquiring and using
food and various other kinds of property necessary to existence or conducive to full enjoyment of God-given, unalienable rights
in varied and innumerable ways.
The Underlying Reason
3. The American philosophy teaches that the fact that Man is endowed by his Creator with the Right to be self-governing,
as the Declaration of Independence proclaims, means implicitly that Man is also endowed with the capacity to reason and, therefore,
with the capacity to be self-governing--under a system of Man-over-Government--for the better protection and enjoyment of
his unalienable rights. This, in turn, means necessarily that Man is endowed with the capacity of being economically self-reliant
and independent, without the need of being supported by his creature and tool: government. This is true because to be supported
by government would mean to be subject to its control under a system of Government-over-Man; control inevitably accompanies
subsidy. As part of his Divine endowment at birth, Man therefore possesses both the right and the capacity to manage his own
economic affairs, including his own capability to work in order to support life and his rights in general by acquiring property
(money or any other type), free from any degree of Government-over-Man control, directly or indirectly. Any contrary conclusion
would inescapably, condemn Man to a birthright of servitude to government, which philosophy rejects as being inconsistent
with Divine Creation. This philosophy also teaches that Man is entitled to enjoy this right and to exercise this capability
without any interference by others than government as well. The foregoing is subject, of course, to due respect for the equal
rights of others and for just laws expressive of "just powers" (to quote the term of the Declaration of Independence) designed
to safeguard the equal rights of all Individuals.
The View of The Framers, per "The Federalist"
4. The American philosophy is clear and emphatic on the point that the surest way for Man to become economically dependent
upon, and therefore subservient to, government is for it to control or possess his property, or to subsidize him. This is
because of the truth stated in The Federalist (number 79, by Alexander Hamilton) that: "In the general course of human nature, a power over a man's subsistence amounts to a power
over his will." (Emphasis Hamilton's) This truth is also commonly acknowledged in the maxim that "he who pays the piper
calls the tune" and it applies especially to a person's income.
The Means of Self-defense
5. This is all the more true to the extent that government controls, or takes from him, his property--not only his
current earnings, or income, but also his accumulated savings represented by his property in general. The more government
controls or takes from him, and the less Man possesses and controls, the worse his plight in the face of Government-over-Man
practices infringing his unalienable rights. This deprives him of the means of self-defense, of defense of his rights, against
violations by government and by others. Lacking such means, his rights are always in danger of being violated or undermined
with impunity by transgressors--either oppressive or usurping government officials, or covetously inclined persons who are
disregardful of the limits on their own equal rights and are heedless of the duty factor of Individual Liberty-Responsibility,
which requires them to respect the equal rights of others.
Property Needed for Defense of Man's Rights
6. According to the American philosophy, Man's purpose in creating governments is primarily "to secure"--to make and
keep secure--his unalienable rights, as the Declaration of Independence phrases it. A chief aim of man in this regard is to
provide governmental (legal) machinery which can be readily available to each Individual for establishing and maintaining
his legal right to his own property and for the equal protection of all Individuals' property under equal laws (basically
the people's fundamental laws--their Constitutions, Federal and State). To be able to make effective use of this legal machinery,
however, Man needs property (money) to pay the cost.
The 1776 Declaration and the Word "Property"
7. In the years leading up to the American Revolution of 1776, the slogan of the "Sons of Liberty"--most ardent of
patriots--was: "Liberty and property." Another popular phrase used throughout America in that period to describe Man's most
precious rights, used for example in the "Declaration and Resolves of the First Continental Congress" in 1774, was: "life, liberty and property." This combination of ideas--expressed with
regard to protection of Man's " . . . life . . . person . . . goods or estate . . ."--appeared in America at least by 1641
in Massachusetts in: "The Body of Liberties." This was a law code compiled by Nathaniel Ward, in response to public protests
against the arbitrary decisions by judges, and adopted by the Massachusetts General Court, the legislative body of the colony.
In the phrase of the Declaration of Independence adopted in 1776--"Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness" - the substitution
of the phrase "the pursuit of Happiness," in place of the word "property" customarily used theretofore, assuredly did not
mean that the signers of the Declaration disapproved of the idea of the right to property being considered a most important
right of Man. Quite the contrary is true, as all pertinent records amply prove. A number of these signers were owners of large
and valuable property holdings--for example, John Hancock, Thomas Jefferson, Robert Morris, Charles Carroll, Richard Henry
Lee and Arthur Middleton, to name only a few. They did, indeed, risk great fortunes, as well as their lives and honor, in
signing the 1776 Declaration--as its closing pledge made express, in words made immortal by the exemplary selflessness, the
noble self-sacrifice, of these true friends of Independence for America and of Man's Liberty against Government-over-Man.
The wealthy of that generation were fully matched by those of little or no means, such as Samuel Adams, in the fervor of belief
in, and support of, the right to property as a fundamental part of the Individual's rights. It is noteworthy that among the
signers of the Declaration were some who had been members of the above-mentioned First Continental Congress in 1774; and all
the signers undoubtedly shared the then popular support of the slogan: "Life, Liberty and Property" as being expressive of
the gist of Man's fundamental rights. The emphasis in their thinking regarding the right to property was later reflected in
the safeguarding provision included in the "Bill of Rights" amendments to the United States Constitution--in the Fifth Amendment, stating: ". . . nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation." This is expressive of the
American philosophy.
The omission of the word "property" from the 1776 Declaration was, presumably, because the right to property was considered
by America's leaders in general to be not a primary, God-given, unalienable right--not on a par spiritually with the right
to "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness"--but an essential legal right, a most important supporting right as the material
mainstay of Man's unalienable rights including Liberty against Government-over-Man.
An Essential Means, Not an End in and of Itself
8. The right to property is accordingly considered not an end, in and of itself, but an indispensable means needed
to sustain Life itself and for the protection and fuller enjoyment of the rights to Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.
The right to property is, therefore, of critical importance to Free Man, whether considered as a supporting right or--as some
in 1776 occasionally referred to it--as an unalienable right, a Natural Right.
The concept of the property right being derived from every Individual's natural right to Liberty--of its thus being
a derivative right rather than a primary, God-given, unalienable right--was expressed for example in an oration in Boston
on March 5, 1775 by Dr. Joseph Warren, a leader among the more prominent workers and fighters for Liberty and Independence,
as follows:
"That personal freedom is the natural right of every man, and that property, or an exclusive right to dispose
of what he has honestly acquired by his own labor, necessarily arises therefrom, are truths which common sense has
placed beyond the reach of contradiction." (Emphasis added.)
Warren and his fellow leaders in favor of "Liberty and Independence," in Boston especially in that pre-1776 period,
were undoubtedly in agreement on this point of derivativeness: "necessarily arises therefrom"--notably Samuel Adams who was
very closely associated with Warren in supporting this cause. Adams presumably meant nothing different when he sometimes referred
to the right to property as being of the nature of a "Natural Right."
Property Supports Ideals
9. Man's right to property is the principal material support of the idealism of the traditional American philosophy--the
idealism of Free Man in America. This idealism would be empty of substance in the absence of the protection provided by such
support; it could not be translated into reality and sustained enduringly.
The Conclusion
10. The American philosophy asserts that Man's right to property is a main, indispensable and inseparable part of
the indivisible whole of Individual Liberty-Responsibility and the material mainstay of his unalienable right to "Life, Liberty
and the pursuit of Happiness."
Quotes from The American Ideal of 1776 supporting this Principle.
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