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Ayn Rand on money

From ATLAS SHRUGGED, by Ayn Rand, page 387:

Rearden heard Bertram Scudder, outside the group, say to a girl who made some sound of indignation, "Don't let him disturb you. You know, money is the root of all evil—and he's the typical product of money."

Rearden did not think that Francisco could have heard it, but he saw Francisco turning to them with a gravely courteous smile.

"So you think that money is the root of all evil?" said Francisco d'Aconia. "Have you ever asked what is the root of money? Money is a tool of exchange, which can't exist unless there are goods produced and men able to produce them. Money is the material shape of the principle that men who wish to deal with one another must deal by trade and give value for value. Money is not the tool of the moochers, who claim your product by tears, or of the looters, who take it from you by force. Money is made possible only by the men who produce. Is this what you consider evil?

"When you accept money in payment for your effort, you do so only on the conviction that you will exchange it for the product of the effort of others. It is not the moochers or the looters who give value to money. Not an ocean of tears nor all the guns in the world can transform those pieces of paper in your wallet into the bread you will need to survive tomorrow. Those pieces of paper, which should have been gold, are a token of honor— your claim upon the energy of the men who produce. Your wallet is your statement of hope that somewhere in the world around you there are men who will not default on that moral principle which is the root of money. Is this what you consider evil?

"Have you ever looked for the root of production? Take a look at an electric generator and dare tell yourself that it was created by the muscular effort of unthinking brutes. Try to grow a seed of wheat without the knowledge left to you by men who had to discover it for the first time. Try to obtain your food by means of nothing but physical motions—and you'll learn that man's mind is the root of all the goods produced and of all the wealth that has ever existed on earth.

"But you say that money is made by the strong at the expense of the weak? What strength do you mean? It is not the strength of guns or muscles. Wealth is the product of man's capacity to think. Then is money made by the man who invents a motor at the expense of those who did not invent it? Is money made by the intelligent at the expense of the fools? By the able at the expense of the incompetent? By the ambitious at the expense of the lazy? Money is MADE—before it can be looted or mooched—made by the effort of every honest man, each to the extent of his ability. An honest man is one who knows that he can't consume more than he has produced.

"To trade by means of money is the code of the men of good will. Money rests on the axiom that every man is the owner of his mind and his effort. Money allows no power to prescribe the value of your effort except by the voluntary choice of the man who is willing to trade you his effort in return. Money permits you to obtain for your goods and your labor that which they are worth to the men who buy them, but no more. Money permits no deals except those to mutual benefit by the unforced judgment of the traders. Money demands of you the recognition that men must work for their own benefit, not for their own injury, for their gain, not their loss—the recognition that they are not beasts of burden, born to carry the weight of your misery—that you must offer them values, not wounds—that the common bond among men is not the exchange of suffering, but the exchange of GOODS. Money demands that you sell, not your weakness to men's stupidity, but your talent to their reason; it demands that you buy, not the shoddiest they offer, but the best your money can find. And when men live by trade—with reason, not force, as their final arbiter—it is the best product that wins, the best performance, then man of best judgment and highest ability—and the degree of a man's productiveness is the degree of his reward. This is the code of existence whose tool and symbol is money. Is this what you consider evil?

"But money is only a tool. It will take you wherever you wish, but it will not replace you as the driver. It will give you the means for the satisfaction of your desires, but it will not provide you with desires. Money is the scourge of the men who attempt to reverse the law of causality—the men who seek to replace the mind by seizing the products of the mind.

"Money will not purchase happiness for the man who has no concept of what he wants; money will not give him a code of values, if he's evaded the knowledge of what to value, and it will not provide him with a purpose, if he's evaded the choice of what to seek. Money will not buy intelligence for the fool, or admiration for the coward, or respect for the incompetent. The man who attempts to purchase the brains of his superiors to serve him, with his money replacing his judgment, ends up by becoming the victim of his inferiors. The men of intelligence desert him, but the cheats and the frauds come flocking to him, drawn by a law which he has not discovered: that no man may be smaller than his money. Is this the reason why you call it evil?

"Only the man who does not need it, is fit to inherit wealth—the man who would make his own fortune no matter where he started. If an heir is equal to his money, it serves him; if not, it destroys him. But you look on and you cry that money corrupted him. Did it? Or did he corrupt his money? Do not envy a worthless heir; his wealth is not yours and you would have done no better with it. Do not think that it should have been distributed among you; loading the world with fifty parasites instead of one, would not bring back the dead virtue which was the fortune. Money is a living power that dies without its root. Money will not serve that mind that cannot match it. Is this the reason why you call it evil?

"Money is your means of survival. The verdict which you pronounce upon the source of your livelihood is the verdict you pronounce upon your life. If the source is corrupt, you have damned your own existence. Did you get your money by fraud? By pandering to men's vices or men's stupidity? By catering to fools, in the hope of getting more than your ability deserves? By lowering your standards? By doing work you despise for purchasers you scorn? If so, then your money will not give you a moment's or a penny's worth of joy. Then all the things you buy will become, not a tribute to you, but a reproach; not an achievement, but a reminder of shame. Then you'll scream that money is evil. Evil, because it would not pinch-hit for your self-respect? Evil, because it would not let you enjoy your depravity? Is this the root of your hatred of money?

"Money will always remain an effect and refuse to replace you as the cause. Money is the product of virtue, but it will not give you virtue and it will not redeem your vices. Money will not give you the unearned, neither in matter nor in spirit. Is this the root of your hatred of money?

"Or did you say it's the LOVE of money that's the root of all evil? To love a thing is to know and love its nature. To love money is to know and love the fact that money is the creation of the best power within you, and your passkey to trade your effort for the effort of the best among men. It's the person who would sell his soul for a nickel, who is the loudest in proclaiming his hatred of money—and he has good reason to hate it. The lovers of money are willing to work for it. They know they are able to deserve it."

"Let me give you a tip on a clue to men's characters: the man who damns money has obtained it dishonorably; the man who respects it has earned it.

"Run for your life from any man who tells you that money is evil. That sentence is the leper's bell of an approaching looter. So long as men live together on earth and need means to deal with one another—their only substitute, if they abandon money, is the muzzle of a gun.

"But money demands of you the highest virtues, if you wish to make it or to keep it. Men who have no courage, pride, or self-esteem, men who have no moral sense of their right to their money and are not willing to defend it as they defend their life, men who apologize for being rich—will not remain rich for long. They are the natural bait for the swarms of looters that stay under rocks for centuries, but come crawling out at the first smell of a man who begs to be forgiven for the guilt of owning wealth. They will hasten to relieve him of the guilt—and of his life, as he deserves.

"Then you will see the rise of the double standard—the men who live by force, yet count on those who live by trade to create the value of their looted money—the men who are the hitchhikers of virtue. In a moral society, these are the criminals, and the statutes are written to protect you against them. But when a society establishes criminals-by-right and looters-by-law—men who use force to seize the wealth of DISARMED victims—then money becomes its creators' avenger. Such looters believe it safe to rob defenseless men, once they've passed a law to disarm them. But their loot becomes the magnet for other looters, who get it from them as they got it. Then the race goes, not to the ablest at production, but to those most ruthless at brutality. When force is the standard, the murderer wins over the pickpocket. And then that society vanishes, in a spread of ruins and slaughter.

"Do you wish to know whether that day is coming? Watch money. Money is the barometer of a society's virtue. When you see that trading is done, not by consent, but by compulsion—when you see that in order to produce, you need to obtain permission from men who produce nothing—when you see that money is flowing to those who deal, not in goods, but in favors—when you see that men get richer by graft and by pull than by work, and your laws don't protect you against them, but protect them against you—when you see corruption being rewarded and honesty becoming a self-sacrifice—you may know that your society is doomed. Money is so noble a medium that it does not compete with guns and it does not make terms with brutality. It will not permit a country to survive as half-property, half-loot.

"Whenever destroyers appear among men, they start by destroying money, for money is men's protection and the base of a moral existence. Destroyers seize gold and leave to its owners a counterfeit pile of paper. This kills all objective standards and delivers men into the arbitrary power of an arbitrary setter of values. Gold was an objective value, an equivalent of wealth produced. Paper is a mortgage on wealth that does not exist, backed by a gun aimed at those who are expected to produce it. Paper is a check drawn by legal looters upon an account which is not theirs: upon the virtue of the victims. Watch for the day when it becomes, marked: 'Account overdrawn.'

"When you have made evil the means of survival, do not expect men to remain good. Do not expect them to stay moral and lose their lives for the purpose of becoming the fodder of the immoral. Do not expect them to produce, when production is punished and looting rewarded. Do not ask, 'Who is destroying the world?' You are.

"You stand in the midst of the greatest achievements of the greatest productive civilization and you wonder why it's crumbling around you, while your damning its life-blood—money. You look upon money as the savages did before you, and you wonder why the jungle is creeping back to the edge of your cities. Throughout men's history, money was always seized by looters of one brand or another, but whose method remained the same: to seize wealth by force and to keep the producers bound, demeaned, defamed, deprived of honor. That phrase about the evil of money, which you mouth with such righteous recklessness, comes from a time when wealth was produced by the labor of slaves—slaves who repeated the motions once discovered by somebody's mind and left unimproved for centuries. So long as production was ruled by force, and wealth was obtained by conquest, there was little to conquer. Yet through all the centuries of stagnation and starvation, men exalted the looters, as aristocrats of the sword, as aristocrats of birth, as aristocrats of the bureau, and despised the producers, as slaves, as traders, as shopkeepers—as industrialists.

"To the glory of mankind, there was, for the first and only time in history, a COUNTRY OF MONEY—and I have no higher, more reverent tribute to pay to America, for this means: a country of reason, justice, freedom, production, achievement. For the first time, man's mind and money were set free, and there were no fortunes-by-conquest, but only fortunes-by-work, and instead of swordsmen and slaves, there appeared the real maker of wealth, the greatest worker, the highest type of human being—the self-made man—the American industrialist.

"If you ask me to name the proudest distinction of Americans, I would choose—because it contains all the others—the fact that they were the people who created the phrase 'to MAKE money.' No other language or nation had ever used these words before; men had always thought of wealth as a static quantity—to be seized, begged, inherited, shared, looted, or obtained as a favor. Americans were the first to understand that wealth has to be created. The words 'to make money' hold the essence of human morality.

"Yet these were the words for which Americans were denounced by the rotted cultures of the looters' continents. Now the looters' credo has brought you to regard your proudest achievements as a hallmark of shame, your prosperity as guilt, your greatest men, the industrialists, as blackguards, and your magnificent factories as the product and property of muscular labor, the labor of whip-driven slaves, like the pyramids of Egypt. The rotter who simpers that he sees no difference between the power of the dollar and the power of the whip, ought to learn the difference on his own hide-as, I think, he will.

"Until and unless you discover that money is the root of all good, you ask for your own destruction. When money ceases to be the tool by which men deal with one another, then men become the tools of men. Blood, whips and guns—or dollars. Take your choice—there is no other—and your time is running out."  

Separating Money and the State, Part 1: Eighty Years of Destruction
by Douglas E. French, October 1994

Part 1 | Part 2

On December 23, 1993, the Federal Reserve System marked its 80th birthday. But few were celebrating.

The Federal Reserve Act, which was signed into law in 1913 by President Woodrow Wilson, is described by economist Hans Sennholz as "probably the most tragic blunder ever committed by Congress."

According to the Federal Reserve's Board of Governors, "The function of the Federal Reserve System is to foster the flow of credit and money that will facilitate orderly economic growth, a stable dollar, and long-run balance in our international payments."

The results have been the exact opposite. The government's money and banking monopoly has created an unstable modern American economy, while only serving the political and bureaucratic needs of the federal government.

The Federal Reserve's worst crime is its decimation of the dollar. The buying power of the dollar has shrunk 99 percent since the Fed's creation in 1913.

The idea of having a central bank in America waxed and waned during the 19th century. But, as Wall Street analyst and historian James Grant wrote, it took the Panic of 1907 to produce "a critical mass of disillusionment with the financial system as it was."

A run on New York's Knickerbocker Trust Co. sparked the panic. Knickerbocker's president had invested heavily in the stock of United Copper Company. When United Copper's price collapsed, the 18,000 Knickerbocker depositors wanted their money back.

The Knickerbocker failed, and nervous depositors at other trust companies demanded their money, setting off a panic. Chase National Bank economist Benjamin Anderson described the Panic of 1907 as "almost purely a money panic" that had "pulled us up before the boom had gone too far."

Pierpont Morgan came to the rescue in November 1907, orchestrating a deal that saved the trust companies. But, as author Ron Chernow wrote in The House of Morgan : "Everybody saw that thrilling rescues by corpulent old tycoons were a tenuous prop for the banking system. Senator Nelson W. Aldrich declared: Something has got to be done. We may not always have Pierpont Morgan with us to meet a banking crisis."

That "something" began to take shape three years later when J.P. Morgan partner Harry Davison called together other key Wall Street bankers for a "duck-shooting holiday" at the Jekyll Island Club off the Georgia coast.

The ducks were safe, because Davison and company spent their time inside devising a central-bank plan calling for regional reserve banks to be supervised by a board of commercial bankers.

Using this plan as a blueprint, Senator Aldrich introduced his central-bank bill to Congress. The first time around, the Democrats blocked it.

The Jekyll Island plan reappeared in 1913 when Democratic Congressman Carter Glass from Virginia used it as the basis for the Federal Reserve Act.

New York Republican Senator Elihu Root argued against the bill for three hours on the Senate floor. In Money of the Mind , James Grant wrote:

He [Root] warned against the reduction in bank reserves and against the certainty that, following the inevitable inflation, foreigners would sell American securities [dollars]. Root was more farsighted than he could have known. The dollar crisis to which he alluded was fifty years away, and the first recognition of the loss of the government's creditworthiness was even further off in the future.

Root's arguments fell on deaf ears. The Federal Reserve Act was passed. The bill's final version called for the twelve private regional reserve banks to be supervised by a Washington board to include the Treasury secretary and presidential appointees.

Although the Act describes the twelve reserve banks as "private," this is a misnomer. The Federal Reserve's officials are appointed by the government, and the banks are forced to own the Federal Reserve by government statute. As economist and historian Murray Rothbard has observed: "The Federal Reserve Banks should simply be regarded as governmental agencies."

Carter Glass described the Federal Reserve as "an altruistic institution," that is, "a part of the Government itself, representing the American people, with powers such as no man would dare misuse."

History has proven that Congressman Glass was, at best, naive.

A government-controlled central bank was just a part of the government's encroachment into the economy. As Rothbard has noted: "Control over a nation's money is a prerequisite for dictation over the rest of the economy."

To gain passage of the bill, the pro-Fed forces promised to preserve the gold standard. However, this promise soon withered.

Reserve requirements were quickly reduced, and an immense explosion in bank credit ensued, with the bubble finally bursting in 1929 with the great stock-market crash.

By the 1930s, members of the public realized that the Fed was creating more and more dollars, and they began to take their dollars out of banks, converting them to gold. With banks only keeping a nickel for every dollar, cash reserves were at very low levels.

In 1933, the dearth of cash reserves led to the declaration of bank holidays throughout the country. The banks could not pay depositors their money.

The banks were reopened, but, as Benjamin Anderson explained: "Blanket authority was given the President [Roosevelt] to do pretty much as he saw fit regarding money and banking, including authority for the seizing of the gold and gold certificates in the hands of the people."

When people began protecting the value of their savings by converting to gold, Roosevelt retaliated by taking away that option. Even Carter Glass was appalled, telling the President: "It's dishonor, sir. This great government, strong in gold, is breaking its promises to pay gold to widows and orphans to whom it has sold government bonds with a pledge to pay gold coin of the present standard of value. It's dishonor, sir."

Senator Thomas Gore from Oklahoma was more succinct: "Why, that's just plain stealing, isn't it, Mr. President?"

FDR then enacted the Gold Reserve Act, which took gold from the Federal Reserve banks, giving it to the United States Treasury. He then devalued the dollar by 41 percent, setting the price of gold at $35.00 to the ounce.

With control of the money supply essentially in government hands — and government freed from the confining gold standard — World War II could be financed by the Federal Reserve.

From June 1939 to May 1945, the amount of money in circulation grew from $7 billion to $26 billion, a 271 percent increase. Commercial-bank demand deposits and U.S. government deposits increased 210 percent from June 1939 to December 1944.

In mid-1944, the Bretton Woods monetary conference was held. The Bretton Woods system called for the dollar to be convertible into gold at $35 per ounce. But only foreigners — and eventually only foreign governments — were allowed to convert dollars into gold. All other currencies were defined in terms of dollars. Thus, the dollar was treated as gold.

But the Federal Reserve could create dollars much faster than gold could ever be pulled from the ground.

In the 1960s, President Lyndon Johnson needed money to pay for both the Vietnam War and his Great Society programs. And the Fed accommodated.

Predictably, foreign governments began to see that as the Fed created more money, the dollar was overvalued at $35 to the ounce of gold. They began trading their dollars for gold. The U.S. supply of gold fell from 701 million ounces in 1949 to 296 million ounces by March 1968.

In the summer of 1971, the run on gold accelerated. In August, more than five billion dollars in gold and reserve assets were emptied from the Treasury in less than two weeks. On August 15, with only $2.23 in gold available to redeem every $100 of U.S. paper promises, President Nixon declared international bankruptcy by closing the gold window. After that Sunday, as former Congressman Ron Paul and Lewis Lehrman have explained: "There were now absolutely no checks on the ability of the United States to inflate." And inflate the Fed has. By all measures, the money supply has increased by 400% since 1971.

The period since 1971 has been one long, continuous inflation. The general price level, as measured by the implicit GNP deflator, has quadrupled in the 22 years after Nixon closed the gold window.

The consumer price index increased by only 10 percent in the 67 years prior to the Federal Reserve's creation in 1913. It has increased 625 percent during the 67 years since then. In 1833, 80 years prior to the Fed's creation, the index of wholesale commodity prices in the U.S. was 76.2; in 1913, it was 80.7 — a six percent increase. In November 1992, the wholesale index stood at 827.77 — a tenfold increase.

Part 1 | Part 2

Mr. French is vice president of a bank in Nevada and has taught economics at the University of Nevada at Reno.