Dumb Voter No More . com
Rewards of Economic Freedom
Dumb Voter No More . com
What Really Goes On In Washington
Philosophy of Liberty
Where We Went Wrong
What We Need To Do
Limiting Politicians
Democracy vs Freedom
Man's Rights
The Moral Foundation of a Free Society
FOUNDATION of a FREE SOCIETY
Good Govt Protects Individual Rights
Property and Government
Freedom, Individual Rights, Capitalism
Bankruptcy of a Mixed Economy
FREEDOM and GOVERNMENT
Land of Liberty - Society and Government
Rewards of Economic Freedom
Separation of Economics and State
Flat Tax vs Sales Tax
Library of Liberty
Common Sense Laws
What's Wrong With Conservatives
FREE MARKETS and LIBERTY
The Law and Plunder
Politicians, Plunder, Wasteful Spending
Constitution and Progressives
Learning From Walter Williams
POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY -ayn rand
Capitalism Center
Principles of a Free Society vs The Road to Socialism
Government, Capitalism, Welfare
Income Inequality - World Poverty
Free People Are Not Equal and Equal People Are Not Free
Collectivism-Statism-Socialism-Communism
FREE TRADE
Bloody Politics - Why Socialism Failed
Vision of a Free Society
Proper Government
Foreign Policy
Government Spending - Global Capitalism
Collectivism vs Individualism
Taxes Can Destroy
Capitalism and Selfishness
Man-Government-Liberty-Tyranny
The Basic Issue--Mixed Economy--Seven Principles
Individual Rights
Life , Liberty , Property
Politicians and the Economy
Rights and Limited Government
Good Sites to Visit
Vices and Crimes - A Better Philosophy
Immigration
Constitutional Primer #7 - Property Rights
Right to Own Guns
Majority Limited and Pursuit of Happiness
POLITICS and FREEDOM
The American Revolution - Classical Liberalism
Politics and Plunder - Welfare and Charity
What Is Money - Seperating Money and State
Separating School and State
POLITICS - PART 2
Taxes and Property
The Anatomy of the State
American Government Idea's
Good Quotes
ABORTION , Questions and Answers
Learn Economics Here
Three Youngsters Drown
INCOME for LIFE
OUR LORD'S PROPHECY PREDICTED AND FULFILLED
JESUS CAME BACK
FUTURISM, FIGURATIVE PRETERISM and LITERAL PRETERISM by W. Hibbard
WERE THE APOSTLES FALSE PROPHETS? by M. Fenemore
Lee's Bio
GUESTBOOK & LINKS

The heavier the hand of govt in people's pocketbooks and business activity, the poorer the people will be.

In their purported concern for the poor, liberals never ask the important question: What is it that causes wealth and prosperity to come into existence? The only question they ask themselves is, "What is the cause of poverty"?

But the latter is a ridiculous question because poverty has always been the natural state of mankind. Throughout history, most people have been poor.

Thus, the real question is: What are the causes of wealth? What is it that enables societies to break free of the chains of poverty? Why are some societies wealthier than others?

 

Rewards of Economic Freedom

Which freedoms are the most important?

This piece was orignally published October 17, 2005, in The Washington Times.

If you had to list 10 freedoms that are important to you from your most to your least important, how would you rank them? You might ask your family and friends the same question, and I expect you will find the lists and priorities quite different.

Those who work in the media are likely to rank freedom of the press near the top. Civil libertarians are likely to put the right of peaceable assembly, the right against self-incrimination and the right against unreasonable search and seizures on their list. Hunters are likely to rank high the right to bear arms, while city dwellers may not list it at all.

Most people will probably list freedom of speech and freedom of religion in the top 10. Economic libertarians are likely to list the right to be secure in their property, or for their property taken for public use without just compensation, in their top 10.

People, being people, have different freedom preferences, which is fine. However, much of press seems too focused on "artistic freedom," such as the right for public displays of pornography or the right to display art that disparages someone else's religion. These are interesting debates that will never be fully resolved. On the other hand, many in the media and chattering classes seem to have little interest in economic freedom, which greatly affects the well-being of us all and, particularly, the world's poor.

The Economic Freedom of the World, 2005 Annual Report has just been published by Canada's Fraser Institute. This report has been authored for the last decade by Professors James Gwartney and Robert Lawson, with the cooperation of some 67 public policy organizations from around the world, including the Cato Institute in the U.S. (The Heritage Foundation and the Wall Street Journal also publish an excellent annual Index of Economic Freedom using a different methodology,though reaching similar conclusions.) This new report is important as it provides further empirical evidence of the importance of economic freedom to individual well-being and opportunity.

The report's conclusions include the following: "Countries with more economic freedom have substantially higher per-capita incomes and higher growth rates." These findings show economic freedom is not just desirable from some philosophical viewpoint but is a necessary and absolute good. Countries that move from less economic freedom to more raise their citizens' well-being much faster than the more restrictive regimes.

"Life expectancy is over 25 years longer in countries with the most economic freedom than it is those with the least." Those who argue they support socialism or the "social market economy" because it is more humane ignore the fact that people in most free market economies live longer and healthier lives than those in most of the very regulated economic systems.

"Countries with more economic freedom have lower levels of unemployment." As an example, we find the least economically free European countries, such as France and Germany, have much higher unemployment rates than those that are freer, such as Britain, Switzerland and Ireland.

"The amount of income going to the poorest 10 percent of the population is much greater in nations with the most economic freedom than it is in those with the least." The socialists argue it is necessary to give up economic freedom to protect the poor, but the empirical evidence shows though redistribution can make the rich poor it cannot make the poor rich because it kills the incentives to create wealth.

"With fewer regulations, taxes, and tariffs, economic freedom reduces the opportunities for corruption on the part of public officials." Corruption feeds on the ability of government officials to permit engagement in lawful activities.

"Political rights and civil liberties go hand-in-hand with economic freedom; and political stability increases with economic freedom." It is difficult to divorce civil liberties from economic liberties. For instance, a free press depends largely on the ability to privately own and operate news media. The ability to engage in free speech is limited by the range of one's own voice without the economic freedom to print or broadcast.

Economic freedom is reduced by high taxes and regulation; failure to secure proper rights; restricting domestic and international trade; unnecessarily costly regulation of credit, labor and business; and denying access to sound money.

Almost all poor countries are poor because their political leaders have restricted economic freedoms. The next time we see a political leader on global TV blaming others for his people's plight and demanding aid, we should insist a condition of aid would be removing restrictions of economic freedom.

Richard W. Rahn is director general of the Center for Global Economic Growth, a project of the FreedomWorks Foundation.

www.CampaignForLiberty.com

“Free trade” should appeal to everyone. After all, it describes transactions between mutually willing parties. But if you’ve heard anything lately about free trade, it’s probably been bad. Critics tell us that it’s unfair to American workers and businesses, hurts our economy, exploits poor workers in the developing world, and harms the environment. A recent poll revealed that some 60 percent of Americans think our economic woes are at least partly due to free trade.[1] This public opinion encourages politicians to erect barriers to free trade, always in the name of something called “fair trade.”

Despite what we’re told, though, each of these indictments against free trade is false. There may be no subject on which public opinion and reality are so far apart. If you look at the evidence, it’s clear that American and foreign workers, our economy, and the environment are all better off to the degree that we enjoy free trade.

With Free Trade, We All Win

We’ve all heard the charges against free trade: “The rich get richer, the poor get poorer. Rich countries exploit the poor labor and weak regulations of poorer countries. The poor countries are poor because countries like the U.S. are rich.”

But the false assumption behind these charges is the “zero-sum game myth.” A zero-sum game is a win/lose game like chess, checkers, poker, badminton, and basketball. When the Celtics and the Bulls compete, for instance, if the Celtics are up, then the Bulls are down, and vice versa. The scales balance. It’s a zero-sum. Besides win/lose games (and lose/lose games, which no one wants to play), though, there are positive-sum or win/win games. In these games, some players may end up better off than others, but everyone ends up better off than they were at the beginning. No one simply loses.

An exchange in which both sides freely engage (i.e., in which no one is forced or tricked into participating) is a win/win, positive-sum scenario. Think about how this happens in everyday life. If you give your barber $10 for a haircut, presumably you’d rather have the haircut than the $10. And (unless you were holding your barber at gunpoint) presumably she’d rather have the $10 than the time and energy it takes to cut your hair. So you both see yourselves as better off as a result of the trade: It’s win/win.

FREE TRADE is an exchange of goods or services in which both sides of the trade freely engage without interference by the government or other parties. Neither party is prevented from trading, nor forced or tricked into trading.

Things Have Gotten Better, Not Worse

The benefits of free trade aren’t just theoretical. As international trade has expanded over the last 30 years, income per person and the average life expectancy have gone up in most countries, including those that are poor compared to the U.S. The exceptions have been countries with extremely corrupt and despotic governments and countries that have suffered civil war.

The exceptions have been countries with extremely corrupt and despotic governments and countries that have suffered civil war.

Worldwide, statistics on infant mortality, life expectancy, and poverty have improved in the last few decades.[2] In fact, the percentage of people living in absolute poverty—those with an income of less than $1 a day—has dropped since 1970. In 1970, the world population was 3.7 billion, and 38 percent (1.4 billion) lived below the absolute poverty line. By 1990, with a world population of 5.3 billion, the percentage languishing in absolute poverty dropped to 26 percent (still about 1.4 billion).[3] Although it is tragic that there are still people languishing in poverty, things have not gotten worse overall, even in the poor parts of the world. The rich may have gotten richer, but the lives of billions of the poor have improved as well.

What is Economic Freedom?

The Heritage Foundation’s annual Index of Economic Freedom defines policies that promote economic freedom as those that:

  • Put the individual first and allow people to decide for themselves what is best for their own well-being and that of their families;
  • Recognize that the free market is the only reliable predictor of the real prices of goods, labor, and capital;
  • Use government to shape a fair and secure environment, protect private property and the value of money, enforce contracts, and promote competition, but not to produce or sell goods and services; and
  • Emphasize openness to international trade and investment as the surest paths to increased productivity and economic growth.

How to Reduce Third-World Poverty

So what is the secret ingredient in the countries where conditions have improved? Economic freedom. The more economic freedom a country enjoys, the more it prospers over time. The annual Index of Economic Freedom, published by The Heritage Foundation and The Wall Street Journal shows this in considerable detail.[4] For fifteen years, the Index has charted the course of nations around the world as they have expanded or restricted their economic freedom.

The more economic freedom a country enjoys, the more it prospers over time. Economic freedom involves both the domestic and international policies of a country:

At Home: Rule of Law. Internally, a country should have a government that maintains the rule of law, protects private property, and safeguards financial exchanges like contracts and land titles. Rule of law prevents people from killing, stealing from, and defrauding one another.

At the same time, rule of law limits the power of government officials so that they don’t stray from their core responsibility to maintain order. Depending on how they wield their power, government officials can be either protectors or enemies of economic freedom. Rule of law creates the space in which individuals and groups are free to exchange goods and services according to their own choices. The vast network of those choices makes up the market.

2009 Economic Freedom IndexInternational Policies. In international trade, domestic laws still do much of the regulatory work. An economically free country doesn’t “protect” (read: burden) itself with high barriers to trading with other countries. (We’ll talk much more about this below.) And, contrary to stereotype, trade among nations is not a free-for-all. When countries and their businesses are free trading partners, they enter into all manner of contracts and agreements with each other, which are typically dubbed with acronyms such as GATT, NAFTA, and WTO.[5] None of these agreements are perfect, but since countries enter them freely, they are not abandoning their sovereignty to transnational governments, but rather agreeing to rules so that, over the long haul, trade can benefit all parties.

Live Free and Prosper

A country enjoys “economic freedom” when its citizens are “free and entitled to work, produce, consume, and invest in any way they please under a rule of law, with their freedom at once both protected and respected by the state.”[6] In the Index’s ranking of the economic freedom of 179 countries, booming Hong Kong was number one on the list along with the United States and the United Kingdom not far behind. Burma, Cuba, and Iran were at the bottom of the list, and North Korea ranked as dead last.[7] In turn, as the charts below show, a nation’s prosperity is tied to its economic freedom. The countries that enjoyed the most economic freedom had per-person GDPs (gross domestic products) that were more than 10 times greater than those in countries with the least freedom.

However, despite its obvious benefits, economic freedom has proved hard to attain and maintain throughout the world. It’s easy to notice its absence when looking at a communist dictatorship or a corrupt and chaotic regime. Even in the U.S., economic freedom is under more subtle threat, usually from misguided policies.

“Fair Trade” Isn’t Fair

As a result of more than six decades of lowering barriers to free trade, the United States has become the central player in the global market, serving as a principle consumer and producer of goods and services flowing around the world. Trade now accounts for about one-third of our GDP, one measure of our economic well-being. This trade has bolstered U.S. investment, jobs, economic growth, and prosperity. At the same time, this trade has stimulated the economic growth (and its many ripple-effect benefits) of our trading partners.

On a local level, almost everyone understands the benefits of trade. For example, Dallas exchanges goods and services with other cities like Chicago, Los Angeles, and Poughkeepsie. As a result, Dallas enjoys greater prosperity by trading with these cities than if it confined trade within its city limits.

But a strange thing happens when we consider trade with other countries. In that larger arena, many come to view trading partners as opponents who must lose if we are to win, and vice versa. As a result, many believe that for America to get its share, our government must put its thumb on the scales of the international marketplace through so-called called “fair trade” policies.

The phrase “fair trade” is good rhetoric. After all, who would want “unfair trade?” The rhetoric, however, fails to square with the reality.

Tipping the Scales

One popular complaint about free trade is that it’s unfair to American workers. The argument goes like this: “Foreign workers will work for lower wages than their U.S. counterparts. Also, underdeveloped societies lack the same levels of environmental and labor regulations that American companies face. As a result, those societies have an unfair advantage and can charge lower prices for their goods.” This critique depicts a “race to the bottom” in which American workers must accept lower wages and fewer benefits to compete with low-cost labor and cheaper products of other countries, while American companies risk losing their sales to foreign competition.

Sometimes, foreign competition has driven American producers out of the marketplace; more often, however, U.S. firms have responded by becoming more competitive. After all, building a better mousetrap is ultimately better for everyone than keeping out competition from foreign mousetraps. The spur for improvement helps American workers and consumers alike. When workers become more productive, they can command higher wages. At the same time, consumers can purchase better products at lower prices. Thus, while some jobs may be lost when companies cannot meet the challenge of competition, the overall benefits of free trade to our economy greatly outweigh those isolated costs. Focusing on a very small aspect of the trade arena, proponents of so-called “fair trade” seek to block the natural forces of the market with “protectionist” policies to prop up uncompetitive U.S. firms.[8]

Protectionism: Long-Term Pain, Not Gain

Protectionism, which involves almost any government attempt to limit free trade with foreign traders, is always promoted for its benefits. The word itself sounds comforting. These policies are supposed to protect jobs, protect the environment, protect the American way of life, and even protect foreign workers. But the long-term impact of protectionism is the opposite of this rhetoric. Protectionist policies can take several forms: taxes on imports and exports, known as tariffs; quotas on the number or amount of goods like cars or steel, which indirectly drive up the price of imports by limiting supply; outright bans on trade; and all manner of labor and environmental regulations.

While politically well-connected industries or unions may enlist the government to give them a special advantage over their offshore competitors, America’s consumers, workers, and competitive firms ultimately pay the price. In the end, protecting one company or industry inevitably means harming other Americans. Tariffs on sugar may be an advantage for sugar producers in the U.S., for example, but they raise costs for every U.S. industry that uses sugar.

Tariffs increase the prices that American consumers pay for foreign imports. These price distortions change incentives in production, often enticing companies to move away from specializing in some goods and toward the protected goods, even if this means going outside the arena where their expertise could give them a comparative advantage. A company in the American South might be much better at growing hybrid corn than growing sugar cane, for instance; but it could end up growing sugar cane because high tariffs on foreign sugar make sugar artificially profitable for the company. So, even though its sugar cane operation is wasteful, it can charge much higher prices in the U.S. than it could in a free sugar market.

Limiting trade often places advanced-technology products and services beyond the reach of consumers, making them less productive as well. This happened to the French in the 19th century. At that time, British companies began to build better roads, along with faster horse-drawn coaches to make use of them. This made Britain much more productive because goods could be moved around much more quickly. The French government, however, chose to hinder new road construction in France and to limit the use of new, faster coaches on the bad roads it did have. As a result, France fell far behind Britain economically.[9]

Today, the promoters of “fair trade” often seek to impose tariffs or quotas if foreign governments do not establish more restrictive—and costly—labor and environmental regulations. For instance, they may push American-style child labor laws on countries where some child labor is needed for families to survive (as it was in the U.S. until a century ago). Forced out of legal jobs in, say, factories, children in such countries don’t suddenly enroll in private schools. They take less savory illegal jobs like prostitution.

Like other trade barriers, forcing regulations on other countries will harm everyone in the long run.

First, it will encourage our trading partners to retaliate by making it harder for the U.S. to trade our exports. In general, protectionist policies encourage trading partners to strike back with similar misguided policies. Many historians trace the severity of the Great Depression in part to such a “trade war.”[10]

When we focus on what we do best and then trade freely for everything else, everyone is better off.

Second, protectionist “fair trade” demands could be counterproductive. Historically, as a nation’s prosperity increases, so too does its ability to adopt labor and environmental regulations (see more on this below). Some of these regulations may be desirable but they come at a cost. Many of our trading partners are developing countries that can’t yet afford the cost. They are still struggling to create the institutions needed to build a healthy economy. Keeping them mired in poverty will do little to advance better labor and environmental standards.

Making the Most of Your Assets

Free trade benefits everyone because it allows partners to capitalize on their unique capacities and resources, what economists call their comparative advantage. Specialization of labor within a city or a country leads to greater prosperity for all. If each of us had to grow our own wheat, feed and milk our own cows, harvest cotton and loom it into fabric to make our clothing, build our own houses, and learn to do double bypass surgery, reattach retinas, or fill teeth, we would all be much worse off. Life would be nasty, brutish, and short. Instead, when we focus on what we do best and then trade freely for everything else, everyone is better off.

The same dynamic holds for the international arena. France, no doubt, has a comparative advantage over Norway in growing grapes and fermenting wine, while Norway has an advantage in North Atlantic fishing. Norwegians are probably better off buying much of their wine from France than trying to grow grapes and make all their wine themselves; and the French are probably better off buying cod from Norway.

In the long run, free trade is fair trade.

Free trade is fair when countries with different advantages trade and capitalize on those differences, rather than pretending they don’t exist. Access to capital, a highly skilled workforce, climate conditions, cultural heritage, and countless other things help determine what advantage one country has over another in the global marketplace. Attempts to equalize those differences in the name of “fairness” simply prevent countries from benefiting from free trade. In the long run, free trade is fair trade.

What About Fair Trade Coffee?

You may have noticed that when you buy a latte at, say, Starbucks, you have the option of buying more expensive “fair trade” coffee. With fair trade coffee, the coffee farmers are paid twice or more the market price (around $1.26 per pound in 2008), based on an estimate of how much they need to make a decent standard of living. That higher price, plus the costs of monitoring a “fair trade” supply chain, makes the coffee more expensive.

So what’s the problem with buying “fair trade” products, as long as it’s voluntary? Isn’t it just a market-oriented way to deliver charity?[11]

The problem is subtle. Paying artificially high prices for some coffee encourages poor farmers to enter or stay in the coffee market when it’s against their long-term advantage to do so.

Market prices for coffee have dropped in recent years because millions of people have started drinking different kinds of high-end coffee. As a result, more farmers and companies have entered the market around the world. Vietnam is now a major coffee exporter.[12] When the supply goes up, the price for coffee goes down, not because of injustice, but because of supply and demand. Some farmers who were competitive in 1990, however, are no longer competitive. There’s no law of economics or morality that sets the price of coffee high enough so that every coffee farmer everywhere will always be able to make a decent living growing coffee—anymore than there’s a law that everyone will always be able to make a decent living manufacturing tallow candles or eight-track tapes or Winnebagos.

While the market price for raw coffee will get more competitive, the artificially high “fair trade” prices are encouraging some farmers to enter and stay in quirky markets when they are not actually competitive. A dropping price tells producers and sellers that supply is exceeding demand, so they can adjust and reallocate scarce resources like time, land, and labor to more valued uses. A rising price signals the opposite. Farmers in fair trade schemes are deprived of this information. It’s in the long-term interest of some of farmers to start growing more competitive products or even to move out of agriculture altogether. Moreover, the small percentage of farmers in fair trade schemes are being favored arbitrarily over farmers in most places who don’t have access to such a scheme.

As it is, the future livelihood of farmers now benefiting from “fair trade” schemes depends on millions of people continuing to pay high “fair trade” prices. That’s a dangerous gamble since “fair trade” prices will rise with inflation, while the normal market price could stay the same or go down. (It’s at historic lows now.) This will shrink the demand for fair trade coffee. When the price gets high enough, many pious fair trade coffee drinkers will switch to regular coffee, or start drinking chai lattes instead. Then there will be way too many coffee farmers producing way too much “fair trade” coffee, which will devalue it even more.[13] How’s that fair?

Partially excerpted from Jay W. Richards, Money, Greed, and God: Why Capitalism is the Solution and Not the Problem (San Francisco: HarperOne, 2009).

The Myth of Outsourcing

American firms shackled by onerous labor and environmental regulations sometimes relocate to countries with less costly business environments. When they do, they are criticized for “outsourcing” American jobs and creating unemployment in the U.S. Free trade treaties such as the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) also are accused of encouraging such job losses because they do not allow taxes or tariffs to be imposed on outsourced goods.

Yet, in the words of University of Chicago professor Daniel W. Drezner, “Believing that offshore outsourcing causes unemployment is the economic equivalent of believing that the sun revolves around the earth: intuitively compelling but clearly wrong.”[14] In short, the problem is one of perspective (as is also the case with various other charges against free trade policies). From a long-range, large-scale perspective, these “outsourcing” specters disappear. Consider the realities of outsourcing:

1. Outsourcing is a minimal cause of job loss. It accounts for less than 1 percent of gross job turnover per year.[15] In fact, only 2 percent of job turnover in the U.S. is due to trade in general. Contrary to stereotype, the U.S. economy actually added 25 million jobs during NAFTA’s first 13 years, and U.S. manufacturing output rose 63 percent, compared with only 37 percent in the preceding period. Furthermore, compensation for manufacturing workers increased 1.6 percent annually, versus 0.9 percent in the preceding period.[16]

2. Outsourcing benefits the U.S. economy in the long run. According to reports issued in October 2007 by the Department of Commerce, the U.S. economy grew by 50 percent during NAFTA’s first 13 years.[17] Benefits from trade are estimated to amount to as much as $10,000 annually for a family of four.[18]

While it is true that companies relocating does lead to the loss of some jobs, the dynamism of a free economy, in which firms can move their operations across borders, ultimately makes that economy more prosperous and productive, leading to new and better jobs at home.[19]

This process is much like the effects of new technology. When new technologies appear, some jobs disappear. In particular, certain types of manufacturing jobs can become obsolete. But to view this as a net loss is to see the world economy as static rather than dynamic. In free economies, the jobs lost through technological advances are replaced by better, more productive jobs that develop from and use the new technology. For example, car factories replaced carriage and buggy whip factories. Computer chip fabricating plants, computer stores, and software companies replaced factories that produced typewriters and typing ribbon.

As more productive jobs replace obsolete jobs, the country’s standard of living rises not only because labor becomes more productive, but also by widespread use of the new technologies. To resist this trend by adopting protectionist measures means subsidizing less efficient producers—much like pumping taxpayer money into factories that produce eight-track tapes even after the CD has become obsolete. While eight-track tape manufacturers might favor this scheme, it’s foolish and wasteful. Elevated to the level of policy, such practices would ultimately harm the world economy, in which individuals would produce less and have less than they would if the market were free.

scroll down

Free Trade Is Green

Free trade means that we do not force regulations on developing countries that have lower environmental standards than we impose on ourselves. Does that mean that free trade harms the environment?

The short answer is no. As mentioned above, saddling struggling countries with burdensome environmental regulations will, ultimately, be counterproductive. That’s because environmental protection is a costly good. Historically, we know that it becomes a priority only after a country achieves a certain level of prosperity. In other words, the poorer a trading partner is, the fewer resources it will have to comply with costly environmental policies and rules.

Conversely, the more a country prospers, the more likely it is to make the environment a priority: And it is free trade that engenders economic growth. As the chart on the previous page indicates, countries that enjoy the most economic freedom also have the best track record with regard to protecting the environment. Ironically, the burden of environmental regulations could ultimately stymie environmental protection in developing countries.

In addition, consider the likely effect of popular environmental regulations in industrialized nations, such as the costly “cap-and-trade” policies proposed in 2009 by Congress and the President to reduce carbon emissions in the United States. We already know that, economically, cap and trade would trigger a devastating surge in the price of energy and energy-intensive products (that is, just about everything, including the kitchen sink!).

What we don’t know is what the environmental benefits of such legislation will actually be, but we may glean some insight by looking at the effects of the Kyoto Protocol, a climate measure adopted by countries including Japan, Canada, and a number of Western European nations in 1997. Under this multilateral treaty, participating countries were to reduce their carbon emissions by 8 percent within a 10-year period. Ten years after signing on to the treaty, though, nearly every one of those countries had higher carbon dioxide emissions, with little sign that emissions will level off![20]

We should keep our markets open as a means to transfer clean technologies, keep international investment flowing, and promote economic growth and prosperity in the U.S. and around the world.

Rather than trying to coerce our environmental standards on other countries, we should keep our markets open as a means to transfer clean technologies, keep international investment flowing, and promote economic growth and prosperity in the U.S. and around the world. In the long run, open trade will not only be better for the world economy. It will also be better for the environment

scroll down

A Long Way to Go

Despite the overwhelming benefits of free trade, in the United States, challenges to it multiply like bacteria in a warm Petri dish. To overcome those challenges, the U.S. should guard against high corporate tax rates, expensive and inefficient job training and re-training programs, costly and counterproductive regulations, and other misguided policies that undermine the competitiveness of American workers and firms. These burdens, not free trade, are the real threats to our nation’s economy.

Worldwide, the spread of economic freedom over the last 30 years has brought with it historic prosperity. Without it, billions fewer people would be alive today and billions more would experience a much lower standard of life. Yet billions still lack its benefits. Free trade won’t usher in utopia, of course; but over time, it is the best known way to reduce poverty and create wealth for entire nations.

The Immorality of Protectionism
by James Bovard, September 1994

The tariff is the protection the wolf gave the lamb. —Rep. James Beck, 1882

Protectionism produces political corruption, economic stagnation, and international conflict. Yet, many people will insist that even though protectionism hinders a nation's ability to feed, clothe, and house itself, the moral gains from protectionism are greater than the economic losses. But what is the moral core of protectionism? What is the ethical basis for fair trade as it is practiced?

Every restriction on imports is an attempt by the U.S. government to compel some Americans to pay higher prices to other Americans than they otherwise would have paid. No consumer offers to voluntarily pay these higher prices: they pay higher prices only because 17,000 U.S. Customs Service officials leave them no choice. Henry George observed over a hundred years ago:

Protective tariffs are as much applications of force as are blockading squadrons, and their object is the same — to prevent trade. The difference between the two is that blockading squadrons are a means whereby nations seek to prevent their enemies from trading; protective tariffs are a means whereby nations attempt to prevent their own people from trading.

Yale University professor William Graham Sumner noted in the last century: "No coercion is necessary to make men buy dollars at 98 cents apiece. The case for coercion is when it is desired to make them buy dollars at 101 cents apiece." Even when a person does not buy an imported product, the price of the competing domestic product is higher because of the restriction on foreign competition.

Trade barriers raise prices, and price hikes have the same effect as a federal decree that some Americans shall no longer be allowed to buy the restricted product. As John Stuart Mill noted in his essay "On Liberty," "Every increase of price is a prohibition to those whose means do not come up to the augmented price. . . ." Government cannot drive up prices without knocking some people out of the market — without taking a notch out of someone's living standards, changing the types of clothes some people wear, the cars some people drive, the food some people eat, the medical care some people receive. The 1986 Softwood Lumber Agreement added $1,000 to the cost of constructing a new house in the U.S., thereby knocking as many as 300,000 people out of the home-buying market — effectively decreeing that many families would be forced to live in trailer homes (so-called tornado magnets) instead of a real house. If the federal government intervened to cause old people's bones to automatically break when the elderly fall, that would be denounced as the height of idiotic tyranny. But, as long as federal policy consists instead of a quota that imposes the equivalent of a 170 percent tariff on dairy imports, thereby insuring that many Americans will have calcium deficiencies and weak bones, that is okay. What is the moral difference between putting a 50 percent surcharge on imported clothing and commanding millions of poor people to wear tattered garments?

All trade barriers rest upon the moral premise that it is fairer for the U.S. government to effectively force an American citizen to buy from an American company than to allow him to voluntarily make a purchase from a foreign company. U.S. trade policy assumes that the moral difference between an American company and a foreign company is greater than the difference between coercion and voluntary agreement. The choice of fair trade versus free trade is ultimately this: Is coercion is ever fairer than voluntary agreement?

Every trade restraint is a moral issue, forcibly sacrificing some Americans for the benefit of other Americans. Treasury Secretary Robert Walker observed in 1845:

If the marshall were sent by the federal government to collect a direct tax from the whole people, to be paid over to the manufacturing capitalists to enable them to sustain their business, or realize a larger profit, it would be the same in effect as the protective duty.

If a businessman pulls a gun on a customer and demands 20 percent more for a product, that is robbery. If a politician intervenes to the same effect, it is fair trade.

Protectionism rests upon a moral glorification of an economy's least competitive producers. Senator Ernest Hollings announced in 1988: "The market will take care of consumers. The Government must take care of producers. No government was ever organized to get everybody something for a cheap price. The market does that." (Hollings made this observation in a speech calling for further government suppression of the market.) Protectionists murder the market and then scorn consumers for being orphans.

Fair trade is based on the doctrine that producers have rights and consumers have duties. Fair trade assumes that the consumer's freedom of choice is an injustice to the producer. The soul of protectionism is that if a company cannot stand on its own two feet, government should force its customers to carry it. Protectionism is an economic no-fault insurance policy: no matter how often an American company crashes in the marketplace, the consumer must pay the bill.

Protectionism is a Dred Scot policy for consumers — the federal government promising not to let American consumers escape from American businesses who want to charge them higher prices. Protectionism means shackling some people in order to enrich other people. As Ambrose Bierce observed, a tariff is a "tax on imports designed to protect the domestic producer against the greed of his consumer."

Government cannot restrict trade without redistributing income. Tariffs, as a government tax for private benefit, are either fair or unfair. Either the government has a moral justification for imposing a 7.4 percent surcharge on wooden clothespins imports for the benefit of U.S. clothespin makers — or it does not. U.S. trade policy implicitly assumes that fair trade can be achieved by giving certain officials unlimited power to ordain how many of each foreign good other Americans may buy, and exactly what surcharge they must pay. But the mathematical precision of American tariffs and quotas makes a mockery of any reasonable concept of fairness. If we assume that current trade laws are fair, then if the tariff on orange juice, currently 40 percent, was instead 41 percent, it would be unfair to American consumers; and if it was 39 percent, it would be unfair to American orange growers. Would allowing Americans to consume more than two foreign peanuts per person per year be unfair to American peanut growers?

Under U.S. law, voluntary agreements between Americans and foreigners are the test of fairness for some products, while for other products, political dictates determine fairness. If a person wants to buy an Italian sweater, he may spend his dollars as he chooses; but if he prefers to buy an identical sweater made in Korea, the U.S. government intervenes by establishing quotas on how many such sweaters Americans can buy. The difference between goat cheese and cow cheese requires antithetical rules of fairness — letting goat cheese imports be determined by unconstrained wheeling and dealing, while cow cheese imports are determined by presidential proclamations establishing import quotas.

Fair trade in practice means a moral and political deification of high prices. American trade law assumes that there are dozens of things that can make an imported product's price unfairly low, but almost nothing that can make an import's price unfairly high. U.S. dumping law assumes that American producers are treated unfairly unless a foreign company charges the highest prices in the world to its American customers. Investigations by both the International Trade Commission and the federal Committee for the Implementation of Textile Agreements presume that it is a bad thing if foreign products are priced lower than American products.

Sen. Jesse Helms in 1990 denounced U.S. textile policy "that gives our market to foreigners." Helms apparently believes that the U.S. Congress should have the right and power to give the market to whom it chooses. To talk of giving the market is, in reality, to talk of giving away the dollars of anyone who must depend on that market. To talk of imports' fair share of the U.S. market means to talk of U.S. producers' fair share of American workers' paychecks. For politicians to allocate market share is to treat consumers like serfs who can be freely traded by their lords.

Protectionism means an automatic partial expropriation of the buyers' dollars. The fundamental question of protectionism is: Who should pay the price of a company's lack of competitiveness? Does every needy company have a right to put a partial lien on its customers' bank accounts? In a nation that has thousands of business bankruptcies each year, who should decide which firms or industries should be politically exempted from the rigors of competition?

American trade policy presumes that an exchange between an American and a foreign citizen is fundamentally morally different than trade between two Americans. The question of the fairness of a company's prices now rests on where imaginary lines on a map happen to be drawn — on some deal cut by long-dead politicians or on how much territory some army conquered a few centuries before. Because Nova Scotia never joined the other British colonies in the 1776-1783 revolution, the Commerce Department judged a Canadian company guilty of dumping groundfish in its sales in Boston. Because Britain and the United States agreed in 1849 that the 49th parallel would be the boundary between the western United States and Canada, the Commerce Department condemned as unfairly priced raspberries from Saskatchewan sold in Seattle. If one company charges different prices in Vancouver, Washington, and Miami, Florida, that is fine. But if another company charges exactly the same different prices in Vancouver, Canada, and Miami, Florida, the U.S. Commerce Department rushes out to collect a few hundred thousand pages of documents to find out what went wrong.

Trade barriers come down to a question of political legitimacy. What gives one person a right to arbitrarily and forcibly reduce another person's living standard? Should election into office automatically give a person the right to dictate the food other people eat, the clothes they wear, and the cars they drive? Does winning a seat in Congress mean that a person — or group of people — can rightfully dictate that each American will be allowed only one teaspoon of foreign ice cream a year and that only one American out of 10,000 will be allowed to buy a Czech wool sweater each year? Protectionism is nothing but politically controlled trade — which means political control of the life of the average citizen.

To read more on these topics, see:

Scroll down for next article ...

Economic Freedom as a Human Right

Published on July 24, 2008 by Kim R. Holmes, Ph.D. Lecture #1094

The Heritage Foundation founded the Index of Economic Freedom in 1995 as a way for countries to measure progress and compare themselves in what we believe is an essential ingredient of prosperity- namely, economic freedom. The Index is now in its 14th edition, and it is co-published with the Wall Street Journal.[1]

Over the years, it has been interesting to see how competitive some countries have become regarding their own scores in the Index. In fact, sometimes gov­ernments actually try to persuade us to give them a better score. We steadfastly refuse to be lobbied or unduly influenced, of course; yet some countries per­sist nonetheless. And in spite of this occasional over­zealousness, having countries compete to be the freest economies in the world is in itself a very good thing!

Today, I wish to frame my remarks about the Index in light of the topic we are addressing here: human rights. But first, I'd like to say a few words about what you will find in this year's Index, for those who may not be as familiar with it.

Each year, Heritage strives to make the Index a more precise measure of economic freedom. We examine 10 factors, such as property rights, freedom to trade, and freedom from government regulation. Each factor is scored on scale of 1 to 100; the scores are weighted equally; and then they are averaged to determine a country's overall economic freedom score.

Those who have followed the Index over the years know that we continually fine-tune the methodology and vet any changes we want to make with an adviso­ry board of economists and members of the acade­my before they are incorporated. Then we go back and rescore the countries' past scores so compari­sons can be consistently made over time.

This year, we graded 157 countries for which we had good data. And what did we find? Well, sadly I must report that economic freedom is still a relative­ly rare commodity in the world.

  • Only seven countries have economies that rank as "free" (score of 80 or higher); 23 are "mostly free" (70-79.9); 103 are either "mod­erately free" (60-60.9) or "mostly unfree" (50- 50.9); and 24 are "repressed," with total scores below 50 percent.
  • The average score worldwide this year is 60.3. The variance is startling. Hong Kong, which again ranked as the world's freest economy, scored a healthy 90.3. Singapore finished 2nd with a score of 87.4. But North Korea finished last with a very dismal score of 3 percent.

Overall, the level of economic freedom in the world has neither advanced nor declined. But this year, for the first time, every region in the world had at least one country in the top 20:

  • Half of the best performers are in Europe, with Ireland leading the way (3rd). 
  • The Asia-Pacific region made another great showing, with Hong Kong (1st), Singapore (2nd), Australia (4th), New Zealand (6th), and Japan (17th). Three of the world's top five econ­omies (all of them former British colonies) are in this region.
  • The Americas has three in the top 20: the U.S. (5th), Canada (7th), and Chile (8th).
  • The Middle East/North Africa region is back in the top 20, but only barely, represented solely by Bahrain (19th).
  • And, for first time ever, one of the top 20 freest economies is in Africa (Mauritius, 18th).

Indeed, half of all the countries graded actually improved their economic freedom scores this year. This is a good thing, of course, but we can't say it represents a trend. That's because there is the other half that are not improving their scores, and in some cases are getting worse. We worry too that some developed countries are moving in reverse-becom­ing more protectionist in trade, increasing the size of government, and over-regulating the economy.

Each region offers case studies of the benefits of expanding economic freedom. Europe's shining star is the "Celtic Tiger," Ireland. It ranks 3rd with a score of 82.4. By comparison, France is 48th with score of 65.4, and Portugal is 53rd with a score of 64.3.

Since there is some disparity in Europe's eco­nomic freedom scores, it comes in with a relatively lower than expected average of 66.8 percent free. Notwithstanding some real stars, there are still in Europe some countries with relatively high levels of government intervention and expenditures, as well as subsidies.

The Index's findings also point to a potential downside of fuller European integration. If coun­tries with high levels of economic freedom must downgrade their policies to be more consistent with EU norms, they could find themselves suffering from the same growth problems that bedevil some long-time EU members.

Now, the main message of the Index is that it shows how nations can best develop and grow eco­nomically. It doesn't necessarily tell you how to cal­ibrate growth rates, or even which factor alone is most important (although some studies have sug­gested possible answers to that question). But it does show clearly that economic freedom is a pre­condition for the development of prosperity in the long run.

This is a good thing in itself, of course. But I would say that economic freedom is more than a path to prosperity. It also is a condition that opens up opportunities to enjoy freedom in the largest sense of the word-both politically and socially.

Economic Freedom as a Human Right

It is in that vein, then, that I wish to speak about economic freedom as a right-as a right that, in the end, should be seen as indivisible from the broader idea of liberty and the rights associated with liberty.

I should think that it would not be very difficult to make the case that the right to property is not essentially different from the right to labor. The accumulation of property is, after all, the fruit of one's labor, and the idea that it attaches to an indi­vidual rather than a group is, in my estimation, not only a fundamental tenet of liberty in general, but a bedrock principle for the rule of law, as properly understood.

Ultimately, freedom is indivisible. If rights to life, liberty, and property are inalienable (i.e., not con­tracted), then economic freedom and its variously derived rights certainly belong in the hallowed hall of natural rights.

Let me clarify and emphasize some points. First, by a right, I mean a natural right-one not given or manufactured by governments, courts, or international institutions such as the United Nations. Nor is it a right even given by constitu­tions. You can argue that the right in question was given to us by God or nature, but when I am speaking of economic freedom as a right, it is something that governments should respect and protect, not provide.

Secondly, as someone who was once responsible for U.S. policy at the United Nations, I want to assure you that I am sympathetic not only to the view that rights should not be inflated or created out of whole cloth, but also that they-particularly, but not only, the natural ones-should not be pri­marily the concern of international courts and orga­nizations. Sovereign national governments should have the primary responsibility for protecting rights-and, in this case, economic freedom- because to do otherwise empowers international bureaucrats with unaccountable power that inevita­bly will deprive us of our liberties.

Frankly, although I think that economic free­dom is a natural right, its value really does not depend on whether we say it is or is not a right. Not only can we make a philosophical case for economic freedom, but a very practical political one as well.

I believe that economic freedom-the liberty to profit from our ideas and our labor-is absolutely vital to the human condition and to the human soul. Its loss relegates people to servitude to other per­sons, and it inevitably exposes people to exploita­tion either by the state or by people who can exercise arbitrary power over them.

Friedrich Hayek said it best in The Road to Serfdom when he observed that, "To be controlled in our economic pursuits means to be controlled in everything."[2]

Now, I am not exactly certain of all the details of the relationship between economic and political freedom, but I do believe that if there is a relation­ship, it is a positive one.

In our 1999 Index we explored this point.[3] We examined the connection between economic free­dom and political freedoms, and we found the rela­tionship statistically significant-meaning, in laymen's terms, it was "no accident, comrade." We did a regression analysis comparing our economic freedom scores with the Freedom House scores for political and civil liberties. We found that:

  • Countries that are more economically free also tend to be more politically free; and
  • There is an even stronger link between eco­nomic freedom and civil rights such as freedom of assembly, an independent media, and equal­ity of opportunity. That relationship was statis­tically significant at 99 percent.

Year after year, the Index of Economic Freedom shows that countries with more economic freedom are wealthier, while Freedom House's comparative survey shows that countries with the highest levels of political rights and civil liberties are wealthier. No one can objectively deny the strong relation­ships among economic, political, and civil free­doms and wealth.

Another thing that cannot be denied is that eco­nomic freedom is a great social emancipator. Take women's rights, for example. My colleague, Ambas­sador Terry Miller, recently authored a report that showed how societies with increasing levels of eco­nomic freedom also enjoy higher levels of income for women.

Perhaps we all know this to be intuitively true for advanced economies. But it is interesting to watch it occur in places like Africa, where women are increasingly becoming more active both as entre­preneurs and as political leaders. Their economic emancipation is leading to their political empower­ment, and they are using that newfound power not only to protect their rights as women, but to advance real democracy and the rule of law.

Even a cursory glance at the countries in the Index of Economic Freedom would show that the most oppressive political regimes are also the most repressive economically. Again, this is no accident, because the same power of the state that denies peo­ple political rights also denies them their economic rights as well. In fact, state control of the economy is just another instrument of political power.

We can see this alliance of economic and politi­cal oppression in countries like Cuba and North Korea, but also throughout Africa. We should not be surprised that Zimbabwe, for example, which has a particularly nasty dictator in Robert Mugabe, ranks 155th out of 157 on this year's Index, and is ranked "not free" on Freedom House's 2007 survey. Additionally:

  • Zimbabwe's economy has shrunk some 40 per­cent since 2000.
  • The standard of living there is comparable to levels in 1948.
  • According to the World Health Organization, it has the world's lowest life expectancy (34 years for women, 37 for men; meanwhile, life expect­ancy in the U.S. has just reached 78).
  • Over 80 percent of the population is unemployed.
  • Inflation is over 60,000 percent.

The tragedy is that Zimbabwe, which was known as Africa's breadbasket just over a decade ago, is now a net food importer. And its confiscation and redistribution of private land and homes has impov­erished millions.[4]

Zimbabwe is not alone. It is one of seven coun­tries the U.S. Department of State calls "the most systematic human rights violators" (the others being Belarus, Burma, Cuba, Iran, North Korea, and Syria).[5] Such countries do not acknowledge the economic and political freedoms that we consider inalienable.

Conclusion

To conclude, let me restate my basic point: Eco­nomic freedom offers people around the world the best hope for achieving healthier, safer, wealthier, and more productive lives, as well as the dignity of self-reliance. It is not a guarantee, of course, but in the most general terms it is a prerequisite for these things on a long-term, sustainable basis.

I differ with the notion that merely talking about human rights (especially natural ones involving economic freedom) is so fraught with danger, par­ticularly in the international arena, that we should foreswear it once and for all. I am afraid that train left the station a long time ago. I witnessed at the United Nations how the very expression "economic freedom" was forbidden because it was deemed "too ideological." I was told just that by several diplo­mats in a meeting up at the U.N. in New York.

We should never entrust the United Nations or an international court with the important task of safeguarding our rights and liberties, much less with creating them. At the same time we should not completely disarm ourselves in ideological debates in the international arena by pretending as if we have nothing to defend or care about. It will not do to leave the battlefield of ideas and hide behind some purist intellectual debate while the interna­tional equivalent of Rome burns-in this sense, our sovereignty and our rights. We have to fight for them at the United Nations forum and elsewhere.

Talking about "human rights" may make me uneasy; however, I don't want to imply that, because I am uneasy, I am against human rights-just as I could be against the idea of social justice because my opponents have occupied and erroneously defined that term for us. Whether we believe economic free­dom is a public virtue, a value, a right, or just a plain benefit to society, we need to say so.

Believe me, those who think economic freedom is a quaint idea which died a long time ago are not shy about pressing their case. We must not be shy either.

Kim R. Holmes, Ph.D., is Vice President of Foreign and Defense Policy Studies and Director of the Kathryn and Shelby Cullom Davis Institute for International Studies at The Heritage Foundation. These remarks were delivered as a keynote address at the XVI Interna­tional Meeting in Political Studies and International Summer School in Estoril, Portugal, on "Human Rights Today: 60th Anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights," sponsored by the Institute of Political Studies at the Catholic University of Portugal.