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Rewards of Economic Freedom
Which freedoms are the most important?
This piece was orignally published October 17, 2005, in The Washington Times.
If you had to list 10 freedoms that are important to you from your most to your least important, how would you rank them?
You might ask your family and friends the same question, and I expect you will find the lists and priorities quite different.
Those who work in the media are likely to rank freedom of the press near the top. Civil libertarians are likely to put
the right of peaceable assembly, the right against self-incrimination and the right against unreasonable search and seizures
on their list. Hunters are likely to rank high the right to bear arms, while city dwellers may not list it at all.
Most people will probably list freedom of speech and freedom of religion in the top 10. Economic libertarians are likely
to list the right to be secure in their property, or for their property taken for public use without just compensation, in
their top 10.
People, being people, have different freedom preferences, which is fine. However, much of press seems too focused on "artistic
freedom," such as the right for public displays of pornography or the right to display art that disparages someone else's
religion. These are interesting debates that will never be fully resolved. On the other hand, many in the media and chattering
classes seem to have little interest in economic freedom, which greatly affects the well-being of us all and, particularly,
the world's poor.
The Economic Freedom of the World, 2005 Annual Report has just been published by Canada's Fraser Institute. This report
has been authored for the last decade by Professors James Gwartney and Robert Lawson, with the cooperation of some 67 public
policy organizations from around the world, including the Cato Institute in the U.S. (The Heritage Foundation and the Wall
Street Journal also publish an excellent annual Index of Economic Freedom using a different methodology,though reaching similar
conclusions.) This new report is important as it provides further empirical evidence of the importance of economic freedom
to individual well-being and opportunity.
The report's conclusions include the following: "Countries with more economic freedom have substantially higher per-capita
incomes and higher growth rates." These findings show economic freedom is not just desirable from some philosophical viewpoint
but is a necessary and absolute good. Countries that move from less economic freedom to more raise their citizens' well-being
much faster than the more restrictive regimes.
"Life expectancy is over 25 years longer in countries with the most economic freedom than it is those with the least."
Those who argue they support socialism or the "social market economy" because it is more humane ignore the fact that people
in most free market economies live longer and healthier lives than those in most of the very regulated economic systems.
"Countries with more economic freedom have lower levels of unemployment." As an example, we find the least economically
free European countries, such as France and Germany, have much higher unemployment rates than those that are freer, such as
Britain, Switzerland and Ireland.
"The amount of income going to the poorest 10 percent of the population is much greater in nations with the most economic
freedom than it is in those with the least." The socialists argue it is necessary to give up economic freedom to protect the
poor, but the empirical evidence shows though redistribution can make the rich poor it cannot make the poor rich because it
kills the incentives to create wealth.
"With fewer regulations, taxes, and tariffs, economic freedom reduces the opportunities for corruption on the part of public
officials." Corruption feeds on the ability of government officials to permit engagement in lawful activities.
"Political rights and civil liberties go hand-in-hand with economic freedom; and political stability increases with economic
freedom." It is difficult to divorce civil liberties from economic liberties. For instance, a free press depends largely on
the ability to privately own and operate news media. The ability to engage in free speech is limited by the range of one's
own voice without the economic freedom to print or broadcast.
Economic freedom is reduced by high taxes and regulation; failure to secure proper rights; restricting domestic and international
trade; unnecessarily costly regulation of credit, labor and business; and denying access to sound money.
Almost all poor countries are poor because their political leaders have restricted economic freedoms. The next time we
see a political leader on global TV blaming others for his people's plight and demanding aid, we should insist a condition
of aid would be removing restrictions of economic freedom.
Richard W. Rahn is director general of the Center for Global Economic Growth, a project of the FreedomWorks Foundation.
“Free trade” should appeal to everyone. After all, it describes transactions between
mutually willing parties. But if you’ve heard anything lately about free trade, it’s probably been bad. Critics
tell us that it’s unfair to American workers and businesses, hurts our economy, exploits poor workers in the developing
world, and harms the environment. A recent poll revealed that some 60 percent of Americans think our economic woes are at
least partly due to free trade.[1] This public opinion encourages politicians to erect barriers to free trade, always in the name of something called “fair
trade.”
Despite what we’re told, though, each of these indictments against free trade is false. There may be no subject on
which public opinion and reality are so far apart. If you look at the evidence, it’s clear that American and foreign
workers, our economy, and the environment are all better off to the degree that we enjoy free trade.
With Free Trade, We All Win
We’ve all heard the charges against free trade: “The rich get richer, the poor get poorer. Rich countries exploit
the poor labor and weak regulations of poorer countries. The poor countries are poor because countries like the U.S. are rich.”
But the false assumption behind these charges is the “zero-sum game myth.” A zero-sum game is a win/lose game
like chess, checkers, poker, badminton, and basketball. When the Celtics and the Bulls compete, for instance, if the Celtics
are up, then the Bulls are down, and vice versa. The scales balance. It’s a zero-sum. Besides win/lose games (and lose/lose
games, which no one wants to play), though, there are positive-sum or win/win games. In these games, some players may end
up better off than others, but everyone ends up better off than they were at the beginning. No one simply loses.
An exchange in which both sides freely engage (i.e., in which no one is forced or tricked into participating) is a win/win,
positive-sum scenario. Think about how this happens in everyday life. If you give your barber $10 for a haircut, presumably
you’d rather have the haircut than the $10. And (unless you were holding your barber at gunpoint) presumably she’d
rather have the $10 than the time and energy it takes to cut your hair. So you both see yourselves as better off as a result
of the trade: It’s win/win.
FREE TRADE is an exchange of goods or services in which both sides of the trade freely engage without interference
by the government or other parties. Neither party is prevented from trading, nor forced or tricked into trading.
Things Have Gotten Better, Not Worse
The benefits of free trade aren’t just theoretical. As international trade has expanded over the last 30 years, income
per person and the average life expectancy have gone up in most countries, including those that are poor compared to the U.S.
The exceptions have been countries with extremely corrupt and despotic governments and countries that have suffered civil
war.
The exceptions have been countries with extremely corrupt and despotic governments and countries that have suffered
civil war.
Worldwide, statistics on infant mortality, life expectancy, and poverty have improved in the
last few decades.[2] In fact, the percentage of people living in absolute poverty—those with an income of less than $1 a day—has dropped
since 1970. In 1970, the world population was 3.7 billion, and 38 percent (1.4 billion) lived below the absolute poverty line.
By 1990, with a world population of 5.3 billion, the percentage languishing in absolute poverty dropped to 26 percent (still
about 1.4 billion).[3] Although it is tragic that there are still people languishing in poverty, things have not gotten worse overall, even in the
poor parts of the world. The rich may have gotten richer, but the lives of billions of the poor have improved as well.
What is Economic Freedom?
The Heritage Foundation’s annual Index of Economic Freedom defines policies that promote economic freedom
as those that:
- Put the individual first and allow people to decide for
themselves what is best for their own well-being and that of their families;
- Recognize that the free market is the only reliable predictor
of the real prices of goods, labor, and capital;
- Use government to shape a fair and secure environment,
protect private property and the value of money, enforce contracts, and promote competition, but not to produce or sell goods
and services; and
- Emphasize openness to international trade and investment
as the surest paths to increased productivity and economic growth.
How to Reduce Third-World Poverty
So what is the secret ingredient in the countries where conditions have improved? Economic freedom.
The more economic freedom a country enjoys, the more it prospers over time. The annual Index of Economic Freedom, published
by The Heritage Foundation and The Wall Street Journal shows this in considerable detail.[4] For fifteen years, the Index has charted the course of nations around the world as they have expanded or restricted
their economic freedom.
The more economic freedom a country enjoys, the more it prospers over time. Economic freedom involves both the domestic
and international policies of a country:
At Home: Rule of Law. Internally, a country should have a government that maintains the rule of law, protects private
property, and safeguards financial exchanges like contracts and land titles. Rule of law prevents people from killing, stealing
from, and defrauding one another.
At the same time, rule of law limits the power of government officials so that they don’t stray from their core responsibility
to maintain order. Depending on how they wield their power, government officials can be either protectors or enemies of economic
freedom. Rule of law creates the space in which individuals and groups are free to exchange goods and services according to
their own choices. The vast network of those choices makes up the market.
International
Policies. In international trade, domestic laws still do much of the regulatory work. An economically free country doesn’t
“protect” (read: burden) itself with high barriers to trading with other countries. (We’ll talk much more
about this below.) And, contrary to stereotype, trade among nations is not a free-for-all. When countries and their businesses
are free trading partners, they enter into all manner of contracts and agreements with each other, which are typically dubbed
with acronyms such as GATT, NAFTA, and WTO.[5] None of these agreements are perfect, but since countries enter them freely, they are not abandoning their sovereignty to
transnational governments, but rather agreeing to rules so that, over the long haul, trade can benefit all parties.
Live Free and Prosper
A country enjoys “economic freedom” when its citizens are “free and entitled
to work, produce, consume, and invest in any way they please under a rule of law, with their freedom at once both protected
and respected by the state.”[6] In the Index’s ranking of the economic freedom of 179 countries, booming Hong Kong was number one on the list
along with the United States and the United Kingdom not far behind. Burma, Cuba, and Iran were at the bottom of the list,
and North Korea ranked as dead last.[7] In turn, as the charts below show, a nation’s prosperity is tied to its economic freedom. The countries that enjoyed
the most economic freedom had per-person GDPs (gross domestic products) that were more than 10 times greater than those in
countries with the least freedom.
However, despite its obvious benefits, economic freedom has proved hard to attain and maintain throughout the world. It’s
easy to notice its absence when looking at a communist dictatorship or a corrupt and chaotic regime. Even in the U.S., economic
freedom is under more subtle threat, usually from misguided policies.
“Fair Trade” Isn’t Fair
As a result of more than six decades of lowering barriers to free trade, the United States has become the central player
in the global market, serving as a principle consumer and producer of goods and services flowing around the world. Trade now
accounts for about one-third of our GDP, one measure of our economic well-being. This trade has bolstered U.S. investment,
jobs, economic growth, and prosperity. At the same time, this trade has stimulated the economic growth (and its many ripple-effect
benefits) of our trading partners.
On a local level, almost everyone understands the benefits of trade. For example, Dallas exchanges goods and services with
other cities like Chicago, Los Angeles, and Poughkeepsie. As a result, Dallas enjoys greater prosperity by trading with these
cities than if it confined trade within its city limits.
But a strange thing happens when we consider trade with other countries. In that larger arena, many come to view trading
partners as opponents who must lose if we are to win, and vice versa. As a result, many believe that for America to get its
share, our government must put its thumb on the scales of the international marketplace through so-called called “fair
trade” policies.
The phrase “fair trade” is good rhetoric. After all, who would want “unfair trade?” The rhetoric,
however, fails to square with the reality.
Tipping the Scales
One popular complaint about free trade is that it’s unfair to American workers. The argument goes like this: “Foreign
workers will work for lower wages than their U.S. counterparts. Also, underdeveloped societies lack the same levels of environmental
and labor regulations that American companies face. As a result, those societies have an unfair advantage and can charge lower
prices for their goods.” This critique depicts a “race to the bottom” in which American workers must accept
lower wages and fewer benefits to compete with low-cost labor and cheaper products of other countries, while American companies
risk losing their sales to foreign competition.
Sometimes, foreign competition has driven American producers out of the marketplace; more often,
however, U.S. firms have responded by becoming more competitive. After all, building a better mousetrap is ultimately better
for everyone than keeping out competition from foreign mousetraps. The spur for improvement helps American workers and consumers
alike. When workers become more productive, they can command higher wages. At the same time, consumers can purchase better
products at lower prices. Thus, while some jobs may be lost when companies cannot meet the challenge of competition, the overall
benefits of free trade to our economy greatly outweigh those isolated costs. Focusing on a very small aspect of the trade
arena, proponents of so-called “fair trade” seek to block the natural forces of the market with “protectionist”
policies to prop up uncompetitive U.S. firms.[8]
Protectionism: Long-Term Pain, Not Gain
Protectionism, which involves almost any government attempt to limit free trade with foreign traders, is always promoted
for its benefits. The word itself sounds comforting. These policies are supposed to protect jobs, protect the
environment, protect the American way of life, and even protect foreign workers. But the long-term impact of
protectionism is the opposite of this rhetoric. Protectionist policies can take several forms: taxes on imports and exports,
known as tariffs; quotas on the number or amount of goods like cars or steel, which indirectly drive up the price of imports
by limiting supply; outright bans on trade; and all manner of labor and environmental regulations.
While politically well-connected industries or unions may enlist the government to give them a special advantage over their
offshore competitors, America’s consumers, workers, and competitive firms ultimately pay the price. In the end, protecting
one company or industry inevitably means harming other Americans. Tariffs on sugar may be an advantage for sugar producers
in the U.S., for example, but they raise costs for every U.S. industry that uses sugar.
Tariffs increase the prices that American consumers pay for foreign imports. These price distortions change incentives
in production, often enticing companies to move away from specializing in some goods and toward the protected goods, even
if this means going outside the arena where their expertise could give them a comparative advantage. A company in the American
South might be much better at growing hybrid corn than growing sugar cane, for instance; but it could end up growing sugar
cane because high tariffs on foreign sugar make sugar artificially profitable for the company. So, even though its sugar cane
operation is wasteful, it can charge much higher prices in the U.S. than it could in a free sugar market.
Limiting trade often places advanced-technology products and services beyond the reach of consumers,
making them less productive as well. This happened to the French in the 19th century. At that
time, British companies began to build better roads, along with faster horse-drawn coaches to make use of them. This made
Britain much more productive because goods could be moved around much more quickly. The French government, however, chose
to hinder new road construction in France and to limit the use of new, faster coaches on the bad roads it did have. As a result,
France fell far behind Britain economically.[9]
Today, the promoters of “fair trade” often seek to impose tariffs or quotas if foreign governments do not establish
more restrictive—and costly—labor and environmental regulations. For instance, they may push American-style child
labor laws on countries where some child labor is needed for families to survive (as it was in the U.S. until a century ago).
Forced out of legal jobs in, say, factories, children in such countries don’t suddenly enroll in private schools. They
take less savory illegal jobs like prostitution.
Like other trade barriers, forcing regulations on other countries will harm everyone in the long run.
First, it will encourage our trading partners to retaliate by making it harder for the U.S. to
trade our exports. In general, protectionist policies encourage trading partners to strike back with similar misguided policies.
Many historians trace the severity of the Great Depression in part to such a “trade war.”[10]
When we focus on what we do best and then trade freely for everything else, everyone is better off.
Second, protectionist “fair trade” demands could be counterproductive. Historically, as a nation’s prosperity
increases, so too does its ability to adopt labor and environmental regulations (see more on this below). Some of these regulations
may be desirable but they come at a cost. Many of our trading partners are developing countries that can’t yet afford
the cost. They are still struggling to create the institutions needed to build a healthy economy. Keeping them mired in poverty
will do little to advance better labor and environmental standards.
Making the Most of Your Assets
Free trade benefits everyone because it allows partners to capitalize on their unique capacities and resources, what economists
call their comparative advantage. Specialization of labor within a city or a country leads to greater prosperity for all.
If each of us had to grow our own wheat, feed and milk our own cows, harvest cotton and loom it into fabric to make our clothing,
build our own houses, and learn to do double bypass surgery, reattach retinas, or fill teeth, we would all be much
worse off. Life would be nasty, brutish, and short. Instead, when we focus on what we do best and then trade freely for everything
else, everyone is better off.
The same dynamic holds for the international arena. France, no doubt, has a comparative advantage over Norway in growing
grapes and fermenting wine, while Norway has an advantage in North Atlantic fishing. Norwegians are probably better off buying
much of their wine from France than trying to grow grapes and make all their wine themselves; and the French are probably
better off buying cod from Norway.
In the long run, free trade is fair trade.
Free trade is fair when countries with different advantages trade and capitalize on those differences, rather than pretending
they don’t exist. Access to capital, a highly skilled workforce, climate conditions, cultural heritage, and countless
other things help determine what advantage one country has over another in the global marketplace. Attempts to equalize those
differences in the name of “fairness” simply prevent countries from benefiting from free trade. In the long
run, free trade is fair trade.
What About Fair Trade Coffee?
You may have noticed that when you buy a latte at, say, Starbucks, you have the option of buying more expensive “fair
trade” coffee. With fair trade coffee, the coffee farmers are paid twice or more the market price (around $1.26 per
pound in 2008), based on an estimate of how much they need to make a decent standard of living. That higher price, plus the
costs of monitoring a “fair trade” supply chain, makes the coffee more expensive.
So what’s the problem with buying “fair trade” products, as long as it’s
voluntary? Isn’t it just a market-oriented way to deliver charity?[11]
The problem is subtle. Paying artificially high prices for some coffee encourages poor farmers to enter or stay in the
coffee market when it’s against their long-term advantage to do so.
Market prices for coffee have dropped in recent years because millions of people have started
drinking different kinds of high-end coffee. As a result, more farmers and companies have entered the market around the world.
Vietnam is now a major coffee exporter.[12] When the supply goes up, the price for coffee goes down, not because of injustice, but because of supply and demand. Some
farmers who were competitive in 1990, however, are no longer competitive. There’s no law of economics or morality that
sets the price of coffee high enough so that every coffee farmer everywhere will always be able to make a decent living growing
coffee—anymore than there’s a law that everyone will always be able to make a decent living manufacturing tallow
candles or eight-track tapes or Winnebagos.
While the market price for raw coffee will get more competitive, the artificially high “fair trade” prices
are encouraging some farmers to enter and stay in quirky markets when they are not actually competitive. A dropping price
tells producers and sellers that supply is exceeding demand, so they can adjust and reallocate scarce resources like time,
land, and labor to more valued uses. A rising price signals the opposite. Farmers in fair trade schemes are deprived of this
information. It’s in the long-term interest of some of farmers to start growing more competitive products or even to
move out of agriculture altogether. Moreover, the small percentage of farmers in fair trade schemes are being favored arbitrarily
over farmers in most places who don’t have access to such a scheme.
As it is, the future livelihood of farmers now benefiting from “fair trade” schemes
depends on millions of people continuing to pay high “fair trade” prices. That’s a dangerous gamble since
“fair trade” prices will rise with inflation, while the normal market price could stay the same or go down. (It’s
at historic lows now.) This will shrink the demand for fair trade coffee. When the price gets high enough, many pious fair
trade coffee drinkers will switch to regular coffee, or start drinking chai lattes instead. Then there will be way too many
coffee farmers producing way too much “fair trade” coffee, which will devalue it even more.[13] How’s that fair?
Partially excerpted from Jay W. Richards, Money, Greed, and God: Why Capitalism is the Solution and Not the Problem
(San Francisco: HarperOne, 2009).
The Myth of Outsourcing
American firms shackled by onerous labor and environmental regulations sometimes relocate to countries with less costly
business environments. When they do, they are criticized for “outsourcing” American jobs and creating unemployment
in the U.S. Free trade treaties such as the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) also are accused of encouraging such
job losses because they do not allow taxes or tariffs to be imposed on outsourced goods.
Yet, in the words of University of Chicago professor Daniel W. Drezner, “Believing that
offshore outsourcing causes unemployment is the economic equivalent of believing that the sun revolves around the earth: intuitively
compelling but clearly wrong.”[14] In short, the problem is one of perspective (as is also the case with various other charges against free trade policies).
From a long-range, large-scale perspective, these “outsourcing” specters disappear. Consider the realities of
outsourcing:
1. Outsourcing is a minimal cause of job loss. It accounts for less than 1 percent
of gross job turnover per year.[15] In fact, only 2 percent of job turnover in the U.S. is due to trade in general. Contrary to stereotype, the U.S. economy
actually added 25 million jobs during NAFTA’s first 13 years, and U.S. manufacturing output rose 63 percent,
compared with only 37 percent in the preceding period. Furthermore, compensation for manufacturing workers increased 1.6 percent
annually, versus 0.9 percent in the preceding period.[16]
2. Outsourcing benefits the U.S. economy in the long run. According to reports
issued in October 2007 by the Department of Commerce, the U.S. economy grew by 50 percent during NAFTA’s first 13 years.[17] Benefits from trade are estimated to amount to as much as $10,000 annually for a family of four.[18]
While it is true that companies relocating does lead to the loss of some jobs, the dynamism of
a free economy, in which firms can move their operations across borders, ultimately makes that economy more prosperous and
productive, leading to new and better jobs at home.[19]
This process is much like the effects of new technology. When new technologies appear, some jobs disappear. In particular,
certain types of manufacturing jobs can become obsolete. But to view this as a net loss is to see the world economy as static
rather than dynamic. In free economies, the jobs lost through technological advances are replaced by better, more productive
jobs that develop from and use the new technology. For example, car factories replaced carriage and buggy whip factories.
Computer chip fabricating plants, computer stores, and software companies replaced factories that produced typewriters and
typing ribbon.
As more productive jobs replace obsolete jobs, the country’s standard of living rises not only because labor becomes
more productive, but also by widespread use of the new technologies. To resist this trend by adopting protectionist measures
means subsidizing less efficient producers—much like pumping taxpayer money into factories that produce eight-track
tapes even after the CD has become obsolete. While eight-track tape manufacturers might favor this scheme, it’s foolish
and wasteful. Elevated to the level of policy, such practices would ultimately harm the world economy, in which individuals
would produce less and have less than they would if the market were free.
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Free Trade Is Green
Free trade means that we do not force regulations on developing countries that have lower environmental standards than
we impose on ourselves. Does that mean that free trade harms the environment?
The short answer is no. As mentioned above, saddling struggling countries with burdensome environmental regulations will,
ultimately, be counterproductive. That’s because environmental protection is a costly good. Historically, we know that
it becomes a priority only after a country achieves a certain level of prosperity. In other words, the poorer a trading partner
is, the fewer resources it will have to comply with costly environmental policies and rules.
Conversely, the more a country prospers, the more likely it is to make the environment a priority: And it is free trade
that engenders economic growth. As the chart on the previous page indicates, countries that enjoy the most economic freedom
also have the best track record with regard to protecting the environment. Ironically, the burden of environmental regulations
could ultimately stymie environmental protection in developing countries.
In addition, consider the likely effect of popular environmental regulations in industrialized nations, such as the costly
“cap-and-trade” policies proposed in 2009 by Congress and the President to reduce carbon emissions in the United
States. We already know that, economically, cap and trade would trigger a devastating surge in the price of energy and energy-intensive
products (that is, just about everything, including the kitchen sink!).
What we don’t know is what the environmental benefits of such legislation will actually
be, but we may glean some insight by looking at the effects of the Kyoto Protocol, a climate measure adopted by countries
including Japan, Canada, and a number of Western European nations in 1997. Under this multilateral treaty, participating countries
were to reduce their carbon emissions by 8 percent within a 10-year period. Ten years after signing on to the treaty, though,
nearly every one of those countries had higher carbon dioxide emissions, with little sign that emissions will level
off![20]
We should keep our markets open as a means to transfer clean technologies, keep international investment flowing, and
promote economic growth and prosperity in the U.S. and around the world.
Rather than trying to coerce our environmental standards on other countries, we should keep our markets open as a means
to transfer clean technologies, keep international investment flowing, and promote economic growth and prosperity in the U.S.
and around the world. In the long run, open trade will not only be better for the world economy. It will also be better for
the environment
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A Long Way to Go
Despite the overwhelming benefits of free trade, in the United States, challenges to it multiply like bacteria in a warm
Petri dish. To overcome those challenges, the U.S. should guard against high corporate tax rates, expensive and inefficient
job training and re-training programs, costly and counterproductive regulations, and other misguided policies that undermine
the competitiveness of American workers and firms. These burdens, not free trade, are the real threats to our nation’s
economy.
Worldwide, the spread of economic freedom over the last 30 years has brought with it historic prosperity. Without it, billions
fewer people would be alive today and billions more would experience a much lower standard of life. Yet billions still lack
its benefits. Free trade won’t usher in utopia, of course; but over time, it is the best known way to reduce poverty
and create wealth for entire nations.
The Immorality of Protectionism by James Bovard, September 1994
The tariff is the protection the wolf gave
the lamb. —Rep. James Beck, 1882
Protectionism produces political corruption, economic stagnation, and international conflict. Yet, many people will insist
that even though protectionism hinders a nation's ability to feed, clothe, and house itself, the moral gains from protectionism
are greater than the economic losses. But what is the moral core of protectionism? What is the ethical basis for fair trade
as it is practiced?
Every restriction on imports is an attempt by the U.S. government to compel some Americans to pay higher prices to other
Americans than they otherwise would have paid. No consumer offers to voluntarily pay these higher prices: they pay higher
prices only because 17,000 U.S. Customs Service officials leave them no choice. Henry George observed over a hundred years
ago:
Protective tariffs are as much applications of force as are blockading squadrons, and their object is the same —
to prevent trade. The difference between the two is that blockading squadrons are a means whereby nations seek to prevent
their enemies from trading; protective tariffs are a means whereby nations attempt to prevent their own people from trading.
Yale University professor William Graham Sumner noted in the last century: "No coercion is necessary to make men buy dollars
at 98 cents apiece. The case for coercion is when it is desired to make them buy dollars at 101 cents apiece." Even when a
person does not buy an imported product, the price of the competing domestic product is higher because of the restriction
on foreign competition.
Trade barriers raise prices, and price hikes have the same effect as a federal decree that some Americans shall no longer
be allowed to buy the restricted product. As John Stuart Mill noted in his essay "On Liberty," "Every increase of price is
a prohibition to those whose means do not come up to the augmented price. . . ." Government cannot drive up prices without
knocking some people out of the market — without taking a notch out of someone's living standards, changing the types
of clothes some people wear, the cars some people drive, the food some people eat, the medical care some people receive. The
1986 Softwood Lumber Agreement added $1,000 to the cost of constructing a new house in the U.S., thereby knocking as many
as 300,000 people out of the home-buying market — effectively decreeing that many families would be forced to live in
trailer homes (so-called tornado magnets) instead of a real house. If the federal government intervened to cause old people's
bones to automatically break when the elderly fall, that would be denounced as the height of idiotic tyranny. But, as long
as federal policy consists instead of a quota that imposes the equivalent of a 170 percent tariff on dairy imports, thereby
insuring that many Americans will have calcium deficiencies and weak bones, that is okay. What is the moral difference between
putting a 50 percent surcharge on imported clothing and commanding millions of poor people to wear tattered garments?
All trade barriers rest upon the moral premise that it is fairer for the U.S. government to effectively force an American
citizen to buy from an American company than to allow him to voluntarily make a purchase from a foreign company. U.S. trade
policy assumes that the moral difference between an American company and a foreign company is greater than the difference
between coercion and voluntary agreement. The choice of fair trade versus free trade is ultimately this: Is coercion is ever
fairer than voluntary agreement?
Every trade restraint is a moral issue, forcibly sacrificing some Americans for the benefit of other Americans. Treasury
Secretary Robert Walker observed in 1845:
If the marshall were sent by the federal government to collect a direct tax from the whole people, to be paid over to the
manufacturing capitalists to enable them to sustain their business, or realize a larger profit, it would be the same in effect
as the protective duty.
If a businessman pulls a gun on a customer and demands 20 percent more for a product, that is robbery. If a politician
intervenes to the same effect, it is fair trade.
Protectionism rests upon a moral glorification of an economy's least competitive producers. Senator Ernest Hollings announced
in 1988: "The market will take care of consumers. The Government must take care of producers. No government was ever organized
to get everybody something for a cheap price. The market does that." (Hollings made this observation in a speech calling for
further government suppression of the market.) Protectionists murder the market and then scorn consumers for being orphans.
Fair trade is based on the doctrine that producers have rights and consumers have duties. Fair trade assumes that the consumer's
freedom of choice is an injustice to the producer. The soul of protectionism is that if a company cannot stand on its own
two feet, government should force its customers to carry it. Protectionism is an economic no-fault insurance policy: no matter
how often an American company crashes in the marketplace, the consumer must pay the bill.
Protectionism is a Dred Scot policy for consumers — the federal government promising not to let American consumers
escape from American businesses who want to charge them higher prices. Protectionism means shackling some people in order
to enrich other people. As Ambrose Bierce observed, a tariff is a "tax on imports designed to protect the domestic producer
against the greed of his consumer."
Government cannot restrict trade without redistributing income. Tariffs, as a government tax for private benefit, are either
fair or unfair. Either the government has a moral justification for imposing a 7.4 percent surcharge on wooden clothespins
imports for the benefit of U.S. clothespin makers — or it does not. U.S. trade policy implicitly assumes that fair trade
can be achieved by giving certain officials unlimited power to ordain how many of each foreign good other Americans may buy,
and exactly what surcharge they must pay. But the mathematical precision of American tariffs and quotas makes a mockery of
any reasonable concept of fairness. If we assume that current trade laws are fair, then if the tariff on orange juice, currently
40 percent, was instead 41 percent, it would be unfair to American consumers; and if it was 39 percent, it would be unfair
to American orange growers. Would allowing Americans to consume more than two foreign peanuts per person per year be unfair
to American peanut growers?
Under U.S. law, voluntary agreements between Americans and foreigners are the test of fairness for some products, while
for other products, political dictates determine fairness. If a person wants to buy an Italian sweater, he may spend his dollars
as he chooses; but if he prefers to buy an identical sweater made in Korea, the U.S. government intervenes by establishing
quotas on how many such sweaters Americans can buy. The difference between goat cheese and cow cheese requires antithetical
rules of fairness — letting goat cheese imports be determined by unconstrained wheeling and dealing, while cow cheese
imports are determined by presidential proclamations establishing import quotas.
Fair trade in practice means a moral and political deification of high prices. American trade law assumes that there are
dozens of things that can make an imported product's price unfairly low, but almost nothing that can make an import's price
unfairly high. U.S. dumping law assumes that American producers are treated unfairly unless a foreign company charges the
highest prices in the world to its American customers. Investigations by both the International Trade Commission and the federal
Committee for the Implementation of Textile Agreements presume that it is a bad thing if foreign products are priced lower
than American products.
Sen. Jesse Helms in 1990 denounced U.S. textile policy "that gives our market to foreigners." Helms apparently believes
that the U.S. Congress should have the right and power to give the market to whom it chooses. To talk of giving the market
is, in reality, to talk of giving away the dollars of anyone who must depend on that market. To talk of imports' fair share
of the U.S. market means to talk of U.S. producers' fair share of American workers' paychecks. For politicians to allocate
market share is to treat consumers like serfs who can be freely traded by their lords.
Protectionism means an automatic partial expropriation of the buyers' dollars. The fundamental question of protectionism
is: Who should pay the price of a company's lack of competitiveness? Does every needy company have a right to put a partial
lien on its customers' bank accounts? In a nation that has thousands of business bankruptcies each year, who should decide
which firms or industries should be politically exempted from the rigors of competition?
American trade policy presumes that an exchange between an American and a foreign citizen is fundamentally morally different
than trade between two Americans. The question of the fairness of a company's prices now rests on where imaginary lines on
a map happen to be drawn — on some deal cut by long-dead politicians or on how much territory some army conquered a
few centuries before. Because Nova Scotia never joined the other British colonies in the 1776-1783 revolution, the Commerce
Department judged a Canadian company guilty of dumping groundfish in its sales in Boston. Because Britain and the United States
agreed in 1849 that the 49th parallel would be the boundary between the western United States and Canada, the Commerce Department
condemned as unfairly priced raspberries from Saskatchewan sold in Seattle. If one company charges different prices in Vancouver,
Washington, and Miami, Florida, that is fine. But if another company charges exactly the same different prices in Vancouver,
Canada, and Miami, Florida, the U.S. Commerce Department rushes out to collect a few hundred thousand pages of documents to
find out what went wrong.
Trade barriers come down to a question of political legitimacy. What gives one person a right to arbitrarily and forcibly
reduce another person's living standard? Should election into office automatically give a person the right to dictate the
food other people eat, the clothes they wear, and the cars they drive? Does winning a seat in Congress mean that a person
— or group of people — can rightfully dictate that each American will be allowed only one teaspoon of foreign
ice cream a year and that only one American out of 10,000 will be allowed to buy a Czech wool sweater each year? Protectionism
is nothing but politically controlled trade — which means political control of the life of the average citizen.
To read more on these topics, see:
- The Heritage Foundation’s 2009 Index of Economic Freedom, at http://www.heritage.org/index/.
- Daniella Markheim, “Free Trade: The Fairest Trade for America,” Heritage
Foundation WebMemo No. 2169, December 12, 2008, at http://www.heritage.org/Research/tradeandeconomicfreedom/wm2169.cfm.
- Daniella Markheim, “An Act to End Trade,” Heritage Foundation WebMemo
No. 2524, July 6, 2009, at http://www.heritage.org/Research/tradeandeconomicfreedom/wm2524.cfm.
- Daniella Markheim, “Climate Policy: Free Trade Promotes a Cleaner Environment,”
Heritage Foundation WebMemo No. 2408, April 29, 2009, at http://www.heritage.org/Research/tradeandeconomicfreedom/wm2408.cfm.
- Daniella Markheim and Terry Miller, “Trade Liberalization Continuing Despite
Doha Impasse,” Heritage Foundation WebMemo No. 2187, September 19, 2008, at http://www.heritage.org/Research/tradeandeconomicfreedom/bg2187.cfm.
- Terry Miller, “Productivity Growth, Not Trade, Is Cutting Manufacturing
Jobs,” Heritage Foundation WebMemo No. 1709, November 7, 2007, at http://www.heritage.org/Research/Economy/wm1709.cfm.
- Tim Kane, Brett D. Schaefer, and Alison Acosta Fraser, “Myths and Realities:
The False Crisis of Outsourcing,” Heritage Foundation Backgrounder No. 1757, May 14, 2004, at http://www.heritage.org/Research/Economy/bg1757.cfm.
- Jay W. Richards, Money, Greed, and God: Why Capitalism is the Solution and Not the Problem (San Francisco:
HarperOne, 2009), chapter 4.
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